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В феврале 2026 года OpenAI рекомендовала оценивать ИИ-агентов для программирования по бенчмарку SWE-Bench Pro. Но уже 8 июля отозвала собственную рекомендацию, признав, что примерно 30% задач SWE-Bench Pro составлены с ошибками. До этого компания отказалась от SWE-bench Verified, когда выяснилось, что модели видели часть его задач и ответов еще при обучении.

После этого возник вопрос: каким тестам вообще можно доверять?

И пока индустрия это выясняет, исследователи NVIDIA занялись другим вопросом, который особенно важен для разработчиков моделей для генерации кода и тех, кто собирает на их основе ИИ-агентов.

У нас есть машзал ЦОДа, где стоят ванны с серваками. И вот что я вам скажу про жидкостное охлаждение:

— Это билет в один конец. Стоит вам один раз погрузить сервер в ванну, больше вы его рабочим не достанете.

— Это позволяет примерно в 5–6 раз повысить предел возможного относительно воздушного охлаждения, то есть ваши процессоры ждёт незабываемое приключение с разгоном за пределами всякого здравого смысла.

— Надо снять кулеры, но современные карточки очень любят ими управлять, поэтому ещё понадобится драйвер, который оверрайдит попытки потротлить, потому что кулер вращается медленно.

— С ванны (аналога стойки по размеру) можно спокойно снимать не 6–15 кВт, а 120 кВт, то есть раз в 15 больше, чем в воздушном ЦОДе, и в разы больше, чем на обычном водяном охлаждении.

— Самое главное, чтобы эта штука не загорелась. Потому что если не отводить тепло, то сервак перегреется и ванна, в которой в том числе до фига масла, полыхнёт так, что остановить пожар можно будет только вокруг неё, но не в ней.

— Это снимает гарантию, поэтому мы купаем только старое железо, уже и так сошедшее с поддержки вендора.

— Можно совать в ванну руки, током вас не коротнёт, потому что жидкость диэлектрическая. Но мы всегда делаем вид, что бьёмся в конвульсиях. Это нас очень развлекает, когда приходят новые люди.

— Нельзя кидать в ванну любой сервер, его сначала надо доработать. Например, заменить термопасту на нерастворимую, плюс поменять все провода на такие же, только с нерастворимой изоляцией.

Сейчас расскажу про всё это подробнее плюс про то, какое железо вообще имеет смысл топить, зачем это всё и где бабки, Лебовски.

Но начнём с того, как эта фигня вообще работает.

Financial success of the three-day finale in London later this month promises to make or break the concept

Guess how many people attended the recent Oktoberfest in Munich, the famous annual pilgrimage for people with a sense of fun and a collective thirst to quench? Admittedly the event spanned a fortnight but the figure is still pretty remarkable. There were 7.4m visitors – a record – with around a quarter of them travelling from overseas.

Now imagine even a tenth of that congregation coming together for a like-minded three-day festival in London. Endless access to quality beer, the chance to make instant new friends and, if desired, plenty of fancy dress options (lederhosen not compulsory). With top-quality sporting entertainment also on tap. Let’s hear it for Glastonbury’s oval-ball cousin: Ruckfest, if you will.

Election Day is here, and voters are heading to the polls in an election that may change control of Congress. And, a judge is considering whether to dismiss Lindsay Clancy's murder case.

(Image credit: Timothy A. Clary)

The dust is beginning to settle a week after Israel’s first national election since Hamas’s attack on October 7, 2023, and the war Israel waged on Gaza in response. Neither Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu nor his opponents won the 61 parliamentary seats needed to govern.

Now the fate of the next government hinges on a less-discussed part of the Israeli electorate: Arab citizens, who voted in record numbers and whose parties have emerged with more leverage than ever before. They are not to be confused with the roughly 5.5 million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, who live under Israeli control but are not citizens and cannot vote in national elections.

Although Israel has become a fault line in both American parties, with Democrats split over arms sales and whether to call the war in Gaza a genocide, and Republicans over whether Israel pulled the United States into war with Iran, these were not the central issues in the recent election.

Voters and candidates alike treated the election as a referendum on Netanyahu himself, who has governed Israel for most of the past 17 years and is currently on trial for corruption. And Netanyahu did lose support in this election: His right-wing and religious coalition fell from 64 of the Knesset’s 120 seats in 2022 to 53, while 67 seats went to parties that ran against him. 

Nineteen of those 67 opposition seats were won by two Arab parties, Ra’am and the Joint List, on a historic surge in turnout among Arab citizens of Israel. Arab parties had held just 10 seats after the last election.

But most of Israel’s Jewish parties have long treated a governing coalition that depends on Arab votes as taboo. Netanyahu spent the campaign portraying Ra’am and Joint List politicians as supporters of terrorism, and several of his Jewish opponents promised to never govern with them. Whether the four Jewish-led opposition parties that call themselves the “change bloc” will break that promise is now the central political question hanging over Israel — with major implications for Arab and Jewish citizens alike, and for what kind of country they share.

“There’s been a fair amount of commentary from American Jewish groups that over a million Arab citizens can vote, and that’s true, but the big asterisk is it matters only if those votes are taken seriously and if Arabs are treated as potential partners in a coalition,” Ilan Goldenberg, the chief policy officer for J Street, a liberal pro-Israel group founded as a counterweight to AIPAC, told me. “Otherwise it’s a pretty empty symbol, and it says something else about Israeli society and Israeli politics.”

Polling suggests most change bloc voters would accept a government that relied on Ra’am, if not the Joint List, whether inside the coalition or backing it from outside in exchange for policy commitments. Their leaders have been more cautious, though, partly because most Jewish Israelis still oppose an Arab-Jewish coalition and the politicians worry about losing those voters in the next election. Critics see that caution as the problem: Rather than try to bring the Israeli public along, the Jewish opposition leaders campaigned on rejecting an alliance they might need to form any kind of government at all.

It’s a pivotal moment for supporters of a liberal, democratic Israel, for those pushing sanctions and boycotts — some of whom want an end to Israel as a Jewish state — and for the roughly 900,000 Arab citizens who turned out to vote for urgent improvements in their daily lives. The next few months will decide who governs the country, whether Arab voters get real influence over policy or become further marginalized, whether pressure on Israel from abroad grows or fades, and whether anything changes for the Palestinians it rules.

Why Arab voters showed up

For Arab voters, this election was different in two ways. The Arab parties were more united than ever on a single priority — getting rid of Netanyahu — even if it meant working with Zionist parties whose vision of a Jewish state they’ve long opposed. And calls to boycott the vote, which Islamist and Palestinian nationalist groups within Israel’s Arab community have pushed in past elections on the grounds that voting legitimizes the state, were far more muted this time around. 

The prime motivating factor for Arab voters was Netanyahu’s coalition itself, the most right-wing government in Israel’s history. Its national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, who was once convicted of inciting racism after displaying a sign reading “Expel the Arab enemy,” has overseen the police while organized crime has killed record numbers of Arab citizens. Homicides in Arab communities more than doubled between 2022 and 2025, and police solved just 12 percent of them in the first half of this year. Netanyahu’s finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, who has said there is “no such thing as a Palestinian people,” also froze hundreds of millions of shekels promised to Arab towns, arguing the money would reach criminals. In 2025, Britain and four other countries sanctioned both men for inciting violence against Palestinians.

“The feeling is the state has completely failed to address criminal violence,” Yousef Munayyer, a Palestinian citizen of Israel and the head of the Palestine/Israel program at the Arab Center Washington DC, told me. “Brutal murders go uninvestigated and unsolved, and in many corners there’s a belief that the Israeli intelligence services are intentionally turning a blind eye.” 

Hassan Jabareen, the executive director of Adalah, a legal advocacy group for Palestinian citizens of Israel, told me the Arab parties have been deliberately keeping their demands to things an anti-Netanyahu government could practically deliver, like fighting crime, ending the demolition of Bedouin homes in southern Israel, and stopping settler violence in the West Bank. 

“We are not going to say to end the occupation, we are not going to ask for withdrawal from Syria,” Jabareen said. “Those issues, we know that they won’t agree with us, and the right-wing will use it against them, and they themselves won’t agree.”

Though Ra’am and the Joint List did not make Gaza central to their campaigns, Jabareen said the national election was a rare opportunity for Arab voters to express their anger at the war, something they’ve been heavily barred from protesting over the last three years. He added that Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank have been “happy and proud” of the record turnout of Arab citizens.

The choice facing Gadi Eisenkot

The “change bloc” is an alliance of four Zionist parties with little in common beyond wanting Netanyahu gone. Its leader is Gadi Eisenkot, a former army chief who sat in Netanyahu’s war cabinet after October 7, lost a son in Gaza, and quit the government over its handling of the war. His new centrist party won the most seats of the four. The others are a party led by two former prime ministers, the settler-right hawk Naftali Bennett and the centrist Yair Lapid, and Yair Golan’s party, the last of Israel’s Zionist left. The fourth is Avigdor Lieberman’s, hawkish on security and built on secular Russian-speaking immigrants who want the ultra-Orthodox out of government.

The four were split on Arab parties during the campaign. Golan was the only leader explicitly open to governing with them. Eisenkot set four conditions for any coalition partner, including recognizing Israel as a Jewish and democratic state and Hamas as a terrorist group, and said in September that no Arab party met them. (Arab leaders and many critics saw these conditions as a way to shut Arabs out without saying so.) Bennett, who in 2021 led the first governing coalition ever to include an independent Arab party, said this time he wanted only Zionist parties in government, and Lieberman, who sat in that same 2021 coalition, also ruled out relying on Arab parties again.

Ori Kol, a progressive campaigner who worked for Golan’s left-wing party, told me most Jewish opposition voters “were shocked” on election night, expecting the change bloc to win more seats.

“What people really expected is that Netanyahu voters would not turn out as they did, because the logic was after three years of war, two failed wars against Iran, attacking Qatar, the sanctions, and the incredible physical, emotional and economic toll on the country every Israeli living here has experienced, that Netanyahu would pay some sort of cost,” he said. And while Netanyahu’s coalition did lose about a dozen seats compared to 2022, his party still did better than expected, beating the final polls from three major Israeli broadcasters.

So what is the resistance to forming a Jewish-Arab government? Part of it is plain prejudice, a refusal to accept Arab parties as legitimate partners in governing a Jewish state. Arab parties have supported or joined an Israeli government only twice, briefly, in the 1990s and in 2021, and both times the Jewish parties involved treated it as a one-off they’d rather not repeat. Both times, too, the Arab parties were just a handful of votes at the margin, while this time they would represent nearly a third of the coalition. 

A vocal liberal minority of Israelis say that’s exactly the change the country is overdue for. In the week since the election, thousands have rallied to demand their leaders form a Jewish-Arab government. Some activists organized a pressure campaign outside Eisenkot’s home, while others have signed petitions, including one led by writers and artists, and another by Israeli healthcare professionals.

The other main hurdle, which can be hard to disentangle from bigotry, is electoral fear. Jewish opposition leaders worry that a Jewish-Arab coalition would be fragile from the start, and that if it collapsed in the near future, they would pay the price in the next election. Israelis vote on security above all, and Netanyahu leverages those concerns shamelessly. Two days before this past election, for example, he posted on X an AI-generated image of a mushroom cloud over Tel Aviv, warning of a second Holocaust if he lost. On election night he warned that it was “forbidden” to form a government that relies on anti-Zionist Arab parties. (This didn’t stop Netanyahu himself from negotiating with Ra’am in 2021, when he needed its votes.)

Ra’am, for its part, has spent the last few months trying to make itself an easier partner for Zionist parties to accept. In August its leader, Mansour Abbas, put a Jewish former deputy security minister in the No. 2 slot on the party’s electoral slate, and a few months earlier Ra’am cut its formal ties to the religious council that had guided its decisions, to show it answers to no one but its voters. Abbas has also repeatedly condemned the October 7 attack.

The Joint List is more nationalist, and one of its party leaders was forced out of the race in October over an article he published the day after October 7, calling the attack an “important historical event.” That leader has since said his language was badly worded and he did not mean support for it. The Joint List may not want to be formally in the coalition anyway. Its leaders have said they’d rather support an Eisenkot government from the outside, which would let them push for concessions on crime and budgets without having to share responsibility for the coalition’s decisions on Gaza and elsewhere.

For now, the Arab parties are signaling they don’t want to drive a hard bargain with Jewish leaders given the risk of Netanyahu staying in power. Over the weekend, one of the Joint List’s leaders said his party would back Eisenkot’s choice for Knesset speaker when the new parliament convenes on November 10. “We want to be part of the correction, part of the hope,” he said, adding that his party would “swallow frogs” to get things done. The Joint List’s chair also said the party was “truly ready” to help build a majority in the coming weeks. Opposition leaders have reportedly been in contact with both Joint List officials and Abbas. 

Eisenkot, for his part, posted a statement over the weekend that read as tailored to exactly that arrangement, Ra’am inside and the Joint List outside. He repeated the four conditions he set during the campaign and wrote that “the door to the government we establish will be open to any elected official who accepts these principles.” But he also described the state he wants as “Jewish, democratic, liberal and egalitarian,” a word choice seemingly aimed at Arab citizens. And he said partners could satisfy his national-service condition through “civilian service,” not just the army, a voluntary version of which most Arab citizens tell pollsters they’d support.

The sticking point is Eisenkot’s demand that all partners declare Hamas a terrorist organization, something Abbas has repeatedly said he considers a risk to his life and his family’s. Hamas has a record of killing Palestinians accused of collaborating with Israel, and Abbas has faced death threats before.

But over the weekend Abbas signaled, according to Channel 12, that Eisenkot’s conditions need not keep Ra’am out of a government, which suggests the two sides may be able to negotiate a compromise. 

What a Jewish-Arab coalition means for Israel’s friends and critics

For supporters of a liberal, democratic Israel, bringing Arab parties into government would signal that Arab citizens have a say in who governs the country, and undercut the claim that they are shut out of power. Whether that proves true depends on what those parties actually get, in cabinet posts and in policy commitments.

Still, Israel’s democracy stops at the Green Line, the boundary that separated Israel from the West Bank before the 1967 war. More than 3 million Palestinians on the other side of it live under Israeli control with no vote in the government that rules them, and the same is true of the 2 million in Gaza. No election inside Israel changes that.

After last Tuesday’s election, most major American Jewish organizations released statements praising Israel’s democracy, citing its high turnout as proof. For example, AIPAC, which did not return requests for comment, praised turnout as reflecting Israel’s “vibrant democracy and rich diversity.” The Jewish Federations of North America cheered Israel for its “deep commitment to democratic principles and civic participation.”

J Street and New Jewish Narrative were exceptions, with J Street’s statement calling on the Jewish opposition to form a government with the Arab parties. New Jewish Narrative said Arab citizens “must be allowed a full voice in what comes next.”

Munayyer, of the Arab Center Washington DC, has little patience for the democracy talk at this moment. “People who are using this opportunity to talk about Israeli democracy, they’re not serious people,” he told me. Palestinian citizens did win historic numbers, but if the millions who live under Israeli control could actually vote, “they’d probably have 60 seats, not 19.” That, he said, is what makes it apartheid, noting South Africa held regular elections, too.

J Street’s Goldenberg was clear that a coalition with Arab parties would not by itself be a reason to ease pressure on Israel. The United States, he said, should decide what’s in its own national interest and respond when an Israeli government acts against it, whether on settler violence or on Gaza. But he argued that most Democrats have not given up on Israel. “I think the overwhelming majority of Democrats are not in a position of viewing Israel as irredeemable,” he told me. “What they want is a change in behavior.” 

A government that depended on 19 Arab seats, he added, would be the clearest possible signal that there’s potential for change. “I can’t think of any single action the Israeli opposition could take that would buy Israel more goodwill,” Goldenberg said. “And I can’t think of anything that would further confirm for Democrats that this is not an Israel we can work with than a failure to try.”

Hadar Susskind, the president of New Jewish Narrative and a dual citizen who flew back to vote, doubted American Jews would have much influence over the forthcoming coalition talks. But if a new government forms, he told me, liberal Zionist groups like his see “a lot of positive opportunity” to work in both directions, pushing the new government to deliver real change and Congress to engage with it and hold it to account.

That possibility, a repaired relationship between Israel and the United States, is exactly what many of Israel’s staunchest critics are worried about. The Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement’s official statement on the election called Western attention to it a “desperate attempt” to rehabilitate Israel as a democracy and pin Gaza war crimes on Netanyahu alone. For BDS supporters and many other anti-Zionists, engaging with any Israeli government, however it’s composed, normalizes a state they deem illegitimate.

The journalist Mehdi Hasan, who runs the outlet Zeteo, made a narrower version of the same argument, saying his worry throughout the election has been that “political and media elites” will use it to push for a “reset” that could improve Israel’s standing in global public opinion. The push to condition military aid and sanction settlements gained ground around the world largely because of Netanyahu and his far-right ministers, and a new government could make those efforts harder to sustain even if Israel’s policies on the ground barely shift.

The paths from here

What would a Jewish-Arab government actually change? Natan Sachs, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington, flatly rejected the idea that an Eisenkot government would be no different from Netanyahu’s. It’s true that both want Hamas gone and Iran boxed in, and that neither is going to offer the Palestinians a state anytime soon. But Eisenkot, Sachs told me, would be slower to use force, would treat Arab citizens as part of the country rather than a threat, and would reverse the damage Netanyahu has done to the courts and the civil service. 

Palestinian citizens turned out in huge numbers to make a former IDF chief prime minister, he said, “because they see the difference, so I would defer to them.” A coalition with Arab parties wouldn’t end the occupation or freeze settlements, but it would take the West Bank away from Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, the two ministers who’ve pushed hardest for annexation.

Even a short-lived Jewish-Arab coalition would matter, Jabareen of Adalah told me. “Even if it’s just for one or one and a half years, they can do a lot of things,” he said, pointing to forming a state commission of inquiry into the security failures before October 7, repealing Netanyahu’s judicial overhaul, and appointing Supreme Court justices. Beyond that, Arab leaders want to be inside the government to make sure its budgets reach their communities, with more money to fight violence and invest in construction and jobs.

Even before a governing coalition forms, the Jewish opposition parties can work with Ra’am and the Joint List in parliament, which convenes on November 10. Together they hold 67 of 120 seats, enough to pass laws and make appointments even without controlling the government. The first test will be replacing Netanyahu’s handpicked speaker, who controls what comes to a vote, which everyone in the opposition wants.

Almost any governing coalition will require some of the Jewish opposition leaders to break a campaign promise or two. The experts I interviewed were divided on how much that practically matters at this stage, and several noted it would hardly be the first time an Israeli politician had reneged. Eisenkot could also turn to the ultra-Orthodox parties, though that would likely mean compromising on the military draft exemptions his whole alliance campaigned against. President Donald Trump and Israeli President Isaac Herzog may also push for a so-called unity government with Eisenkot and Netanyahu. Whatever Eisenkot chooses, there is enormous pressure to reach a deal rather than go back to the polls, because few expect Arab citizens or the Israelis who flew in from abroad to turn out the same way in a repeat election, and a lower turnout would likely favor Netanyahu.

Kol, the campaigner who worked for Golan’s party, said what the moment requires is courage. 

“Centrist leaders have shown an alarming amount of passivity,” he told me. “There’s been a lack of willingness to carry people and lead.”

Почему самый мощный инструмент для систематизации знаний, который мы когда-либо создавали, используют, чтобы отгородить людей от знаний, и каким могло бы быть более разумное разделение труда между людьми и моделями.

В романе Александра Беляева «Продавец воздуха» (1929) делец Бэйли выкачивает атмосферу планеты и продаёт людям воздух в баллонах. Сегодня тоже история повторяется со знаниями: то, что принадлежало всем, становится товаром. Ниже статья о том, как это можно изменить.

Agreement to ease rules on food imports and exports is expected to come into force in first quarter of 2028

• UK politics live – latest updates

The EU and the UK have completed their deal to remove Brexit checks on imports and exports of food and animal products ranging from sausages and cheese to leather goods and flowers.

A wider series of mini-deals expected to be sealed at a UK-EU summit on 20 November would also result in Britain once again contributing to the EU budget as the price of rejoining a single electricity market.

Читателю, вероятно, уже привиделось выступление Михаила Задорнова с его знаменитым «Ну тупы-ы-ые!», рассуждениями о том, что «Ра» — это свет, а русский язык — прародитель всего сущего.

Более технически подкованные, возможно, вспомнили Эдсгера Дейкстру, его Go To Statement Considered Harmful и совершенно беспощадные высказывания о BASIC.

Что ж, дабы сразу отвести от себя подозрения в принадлежности к первой категории — и, возможно, заслужить некоторое доверие второй, — предлагаю начать с одного любопытного научного факта.

Английская орфография замедляет освоение базовых навыков чтения примерно в 2,5 раза по сравнению с большинством исследованных европейских орфографий.

Нет, это не моя оценка. Seymour, Aro & Erskine (2003), Foundation Literacy Acquisition in European Orthographies, British Journal of Psychology.

Исследование охватило 13 европейских орфографий и показало, что овладение базовыми навыками распознавания знакомых слов и самостоятельного чтения незнакомых буквенных последовательностей занимает у детей, обучающихся на английском, порядка двух с половиной лет и более. В большинстве сравниваемых языков сопоставимый уровень достигается приблизительно за год.

Причём авторы обнаружили не просто количественное различие. Они предположили, что при определённой степени непрозрачности орфографии меняется сам механизм освоения чтения: к алфавитному декодированию приходится подключать логографическое распознавание слов.

Иными словами, там, где один ребёнок учится читать, другой вынужден учиться ещё и узнавать написанное.

The home secretary’s reforms merely reinforce the lie that migrants are to blame for all of the UK’s problems

Five years ago, Shabana Mahmood called for a “general amnesty” for undocumented migrants. “That’s not official Labour party policy yet,” she mourned, “but myself and a group of other Labour MPs are continuing to make the argument.”

Now home secretary, she is introducing one of Europe’s most punitive immigration and asylum systems. The standard qualifying period for migrant workers to gain secure residence will double to 10 years, which will be twice the length set out in almost all EU countries. The standard wait for refugees who claim asylum in Britain outside designated resettlement routes will be 20 years, four times the usual five-year qualifying period in Germany, Spain and Italy.

Owen Jones is a Guardian columnist

Owen Jones is a Guardian columnist. His latest book is The Fall of the West: How They Really Lost It (Penguin Books, £25). To support the Guardian, order your copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.

Привет, Хабр! Меня зовут Руслан Лисевич, я разрабатываю BBU, а это — восьмая статья цикла о разработке базовых станций в YADRO.

В 2022 году перед нашей командой стояла амбициозная цель: создать конкурентоспособную базовую станцию мирового уровня. Сегодня покажу, как мы ее достигали на примере разработки аппаратной части BBU — YADRO BTS8100. Обсудим требования к оборудованию операторского класса, подготовку концепции, прототипирование, структурную схему BBU, плату вычислительного модуля и не только.

С продажи товара за 2 000 рублей продавец получает не 2 000 рублей прибыли. Из этой суммы нужно оплатить сам товар, упаковку, доставку, продвижение и другие расходы. Комиссия площадки забирает свою долю из той же выручки.

Для маркетплейса эта комиссия — доход. Для продавца — расход, который нужно учитывать в каждой продаже. Когда проектируешь площадку, приходится держать в голове обе стороны этого расчёта.

Я CPO Vaari. Мы готовим маркетплейс к запуску и выбрали комиссию от 0 до 5% в зависимости от категории. Первые три месяца комиссия будет нулевой.

Причина этого решения довольно практичная: нам нужны продавцы, которым выгодно продолжать работать с нами. У бизнеса должны оставаться деньги на следующую закупку, развитие продукта и исправление ошибок. Если площадка забирает слишком большую для конкретного продавца часть его заработка, дальнейший рост становится сложнее для обоих.

Пока это наша ставка на модель сотрудничества. Реальных данных, которые доказывали бы её устойчивость в Vaari, у нас ещё нет. Но уже сейчас она влияет на то, как мы строим продукт.

The night's big question is whether a true wave will materialize for Democrats and how sizable it might be.

The Detroit techno pioneer, who has died aged 64, blended funk and electronics with information-age philosophy to create music of huge power and influence

Juan Atkins, the originator of techno who died on 31 October, spent his lifetime translating a fascination with the future into sound.

He was the oldest of the founding fathers of techno known as the “Belleville Three”, along with his junior high school friends Kevin Saunderson and Derrick May. He was the first of the trio to buy a Korg MS-10 synthesiser, and also taught the others how to DJ on turntables. His work in the duo Cybotron alongside Rik Davis was the sonic blueprint that sketched out what later became known as techno – indeed, he is the one who gave the genre its name. Without Atkins, and the way he empowered those around him, electronic music certainly would not exist in its current form today.

Jennifer Welch is a Democrat who isn’t afraid to call out her own party. Her podcasts I’ve Had It and IHIP News, which she co-hosts with friend Angie Sullivan, have attracted a loyal fan base that loves to hear them preach something they like call "fuck you politics". An influential voice within the leftwing media ecosystem, Welch believes "fuck you politics" may be the key to winning over voters in red regions of the US – such as her home state of Oklahoma. Carter Sherman speaks to Welch about why rage has come to define these midterms, and whether Democrats have done enough to harness it. Welch also reveals her own limits when it comes to going low, and her message to Democrats if a "blue wave" materializes

• How two blonde suburban moms gave Democrats an answer to the rightwing media ecosystem

AI‑агент исправил упавший CI, сборка стала зелёной — можно мержить? В эксперименте с двумя AI‑ассистентами выяснилось, что при конфликте тестов со спецификацией агенты могут менять сами тесты, подгоняя результат под ожидаемый. В статье разбираем шесть ошибок в организации работы с AI‑агентами и способы защитить тестирование от незаметной подмены требований.

As polls close on Election Day and results start rolling in, these are some of the House races that will help explain how the midterms are unfolding.

(Image credit: Joshua Lott)

Nintendo's new Ocarina of Time remake enshrines its place in the gaming canon for generations to come. But despite its stupendous production values, the game left me feeling oddly bereft.

(Image credit: Nintendo)

Russia launched 289 attack drones, 17 ballistic missiles and 59 cruise missiles across nine regions, President Zelenskyy said in an online post that noted the barrage coincided with U.S. elections.

(Image credit: Ukrainian Emergency Service)

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Katharine Round’s documentary puts cameras in taxis where drivers and fares reflect on the disaster’s impact and talk of crowds of spectres and disappearing passengers

In a manner similar to Ryūsuke Hamaguchi’s Drive My Car, in which journeying lulls passengers into greater intimacy, this nocturnal taxi odyssey through the tsunami-hit city of Kamaishi on Japan’s east coast clears the road for the subconscious to manifest. Conversations between the drivers and their customers drift back towards the cataclysm of the 2011 earthquake and tsunami with an undertow of grief, loss and absence. But at least this time there’s someone in the rear-view mirror to converse with; some drivers claim to have picked up phantom fares who later vanished from the back seat.

The tsunami, it seems, breached the wall between the dead and living, dreams and reality. One taxi rank veteran says he saw spectres crowding into a phone booth one night after the disaster, as if trying to call for help to get home. Another recounts a dream of a drowning white horse. The subconscious functions as early warning system too: in another dream, a passenger is advised not to take a road that was later submerged. Other voyagers don’t believe in the supernatural, or question their ability to see the revenants. But perhaps the lost souls are there anyway, in the form of the deer picking through hillside cemeteries or glimpsed at the roadside. “They are messengers from God,” insists a devout driver.

Playwright Richard Nelson’s acclaimed Rhinebeck Panorama series returns for another timely look at the fictional Apple family living in a divided America

Richard Nelson learned a great lesson, cliched as it is, late in his writing career: the thing you toss off without overthinking can end up being some of your life’s greatest work. In the program notes for We’ll See, the latest in what has become a 12-play series, he admits he used to view the plays as “disposable, because of their being tied to a given time and place”.

Every November from 2010–2013, Nelson checked in on the fictional Apple family in upstate New York during elections and important national anniversaries, with each play set on the day of its premiere and mostly starring the same cast. (We’ll See, which opens this week at the Public Theater, sees them awaiting the results of the midterm elections.)

Affordability and small businesses’ economic woes feature heavily in the House race for Wisconsin’s third district

After 18 years in business, Erin Klaus is closing her storefront, a handmade artisan market in downtown Eau Claire, Wisconsin, at the end of the year.

She opened Tangled Up in Hue amid a recession, during a time when downtown was “kind of a ghost town”, weathering construction and the pandemic. But the current economic crisis proved too much. She’s seen a downward trend in sales for two years, and was dipping into her own pocket from her other job, as the executive director of business non-profit Downtown Eau Claire Inc, to pay staff.

Our cartoonist on whether the Arsenal manager is right about the game not being an entertainment industry

• Buy a cartoon | Some of David’s favourite works

• And his latest book, Chaos in the Box: get it now

Nicky Haslam has released his annual tea towel ranking ordinariness. I almost admire his chutzpah

Nicky Haslam has produced his list of things that are common for 2026: Diet Coke and being thin; beards and quails’ eggs; the word “nuanced”; the phrase “no-brainer” (on the grounds that you wouldn’t call anything a “brainer”). It’s the eighth year that he’s put his list on a tea towel, which retails for about £50. I could think of some disparaging words for spending that much on a tea towel, none of which are “common”.

Still, I admire his chutzpah: he’s fashioned a class war, then waved it away nonsensically: “It’s nothing to do with class,” he told the Times. “It’s common in the sense of being universal.” (I mean, that can’t be true: if it were simply a list of things that were unlovely because of their ubiquity, you would hit “regular egg” before you got to quails’ egg.)

The president has spewed vulgar and hateful rhetoric even as he reveals his disdain for his followers

Far from veering off his track, Trump in his ceaselessly vile midterm campaign statements has attained an optimal level of Trumpism. He has distilled the raw elements of misogyny, racism and nativism to the purified essence of his political philosophy.

The Republican candidates and his vice-president have followed him down the trail of “defining deviancy down”, as explained by Daniel Patrick Moynihan, in his essay in The American Scholar in 1993, about lowering the bar to make abnormal criminal behavior seem normal, coping through denial of its obvious presence, and through that process trivializing “the manifest decline of American civic life”.