RSS Feeds

ECHR rules that prosecutor’s remarks perpetuated ‘sexist stereotypes’ and downplayed gender violence

The European court of human rights has ordered the Italian state to pay compensation to a woman whose allegations of repeated rape by her partner were dismissed by a prosecutor as “normal” for men who struggle to overcome resistance from “tired” women.

The court ruled that the remarks perpetuated “sexist stereotypes” and downplayed gender violence, resulting in the woman being subjected to further victimisation.

ECHR rules that prosecutor’s remarks perpetuated ‘sexist stereotypes’ and downplayed gender violence

The European court of human rights has ordered the Italian state to pay compensation to a woman whose allegations of repeated rape by her partner were dismissed by a prosecutor as “normal” for men who struggle to overcome resistance from “tired” women.

The court ruled that the remarks perpetuated “sexist stereotypes” and downplayed gender violence, resulting in the woman being subjected to further victimisation.

Ровно 5 лет назад автором была написана статья о публичной меш-сети под названием "Meshtastic – оперативно-тактический радиочат без сотовой связи и интернета". На тот момент концепция была новым веянием времени и являла собой в мир эпоху МЭШ-технологий для простого народа. Тема в основном была предназначена для технически и програмно подкованных коллег-сотоварищей. Сегодня, по прошествии лет, Mesh-технологии шагнули далеко в мир и получили большое развитие в области WiFi сетей 5…8 поколений… но, сегодня вы узнаете не о Mesh-WiFi сетях, а о трансформации популярной сети Meshtastic в нечто новое и более удобное.

Для первой статьи о мышастике пришлось фантазировать гипотетическую ситуацию с ЧС и обыгрывать вокруг неё возможности этой сети. На дворе 2026 год и ничего выдумывать не нужно. В последнее время всё вокруг нас (в России) происходит в таком негативном ключе и вызывает такое количество нецензурных эмоций, что появление и внедрение новой сетевой концепции передачи данных можно считать вопросом времени.

Системное мышление дает мощный инструмент для анализа реального мира и создания проектов, которые его изменяют. Казалось бы, такой инструмент полезен всем, кто работает со сложными системами. Однако, когда я несколько лет назад рассказывал про него на Analyst Days, то в обратной связи мне прилетел вопрос: «Это интересно, но зачем так сложно? Почему бы просто не взять c4-model и не создать модель на ее основе, это же гораздо проще?» Сейчас аналогичный вопрос появляется по поводу ИИ-помощников: нужно ли им мыслить в системном подходе, когда с ними ведут проектирование сложных проектов? И ответ столь же не очевиден. Вернее, для разработчиков ИИ-моделей ответ как раз был очевиден и он отрицателен: знающий системный подход ИИ будет разговаривать слишком умно, а исследования показывают, что люди этого не любят и отвернутся от ИИ. А надо, чтобы не отворачивались, а разговаривали. Поэтому ИИ подстраивается под уровень собеседника, по-умолчанию полагая его не слишком высоким в соответствии со статистикой.

При этом просто сказать «используй системный подход» – недостаточно. Дело в том, что за этими словами скрывается множество разных смыслов, начиная просто от умения применять хоть какую-нибудь последовательность вместо беспорядочного метания мысли. И среди этого множества описаний лишь малую часть составляют те, в которых говорят про мышление системами, с умением выделять их в окружающем мире, строить правильные отношения, различать эмерджентные свойства, присущие системе в целом от свойств отдельных частей, не путать функциональное и модульное деление системы. Поэтому просто по указанию «используй системный подход» ИИ легко может ошибиться. А раскрыть содержание, то есть описать, какие паттерны составляют системный подход – непростая задача. Однако, сейчас у нее есть доступное (и бесплатное решение), которое описано в статье.

For 36 years, the question of who ultimately ruled Iran had one answer: Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. While Iran has an elected president and legislature, that power is subordinate to the religious supreme leader, who has the last say over all foreign and domestic policies and is the commander in chief of Iran’s conventional military and the paramilitary Revolutionary Guard Corps. Whenever the US confronted Iran, American policymakers knew it was Khamenei who would make the final decision.  

They’re no longer so sure, however. Joint US-Israeli airstrikes on the first day of the war four months ended Khamenei’s rule. On July 4, tens of thousands of mourners flooded the streets of Tehran for the former supreme leader’s funeral, many waving flags and chanting slogans vowing vengeance against the United States and Israel. The event began a week of mourning throughout the country before Khamenei’s burial on Thursday.

Three of Khamenei’s sons were in attendance on Sunday, but notably absent was Mojtaba Khamenei, who was named his father’s successor on March 4. Mojtaba Khamenei has not been seen in public since then and was also absent from his wife’s funeral earlier in the week. No videos, audio recordings, or current photographs have been issued since then — only written statements read by the anchors on state television or posted on his Telegram channel. Iranian TV networks have even resorted to airing AI-generated videos of him giving speeches.

There are some reasonable explanations for why he is laying low. Mojtaba is reportedly still recovering from severe and disfiguring injuries to his legs and face suffered in the same airstrike that killed his father and his wife on February 28. And given the fate of his family members and dozens of other senior officials, he could reasonably assume that he was a target. US officials believe that Khamenei is actually alive and participating in decision-making. Still, his failure to appear at the funeral disappointed many of the mourners who had gathered, and the longer he remains out of view, the more questions like the following will be raised:

Can anyone truly fill the Ayatollah’s shoes? Could the troubled transition from father to son lead to an Iran that is simultaneously less overtly religious but more nationalistic and authoritarian than before? And most importantly: Who actually rules Iran today?

A system of rivals

The unique setup of the Iranian regime — civilian leaders, but a mullah who holds ultimate power — has been a complicating factor in previous rounds of diplomatic negotiations with the United States. Even when “moderates” who favored better relations with the West were in power, any decision had to be signed off by the supreme leader, whose real views were not always immediately apparent.

Nothing has changed in the transition from father to son about the formal powers Iran’s supreme leader holds. But while Khamenei has been taking some part in the current US-Iran ceasefire talks including authorizing negotiators to carry out direct talks with the Americans last month in a published statement and periodically weighing in on particular negotiating points, he does not yet appear to be taking as active a role as his father did in similar situations. “There is evidence that the power that the supreme leader exercises has diminished significantly,” said Hussein Banai, an expert on Iranian politics and professor at Indiana University Bloomington.

Specifically, he noted that the supreme leader normally plays a “central headquarters” role, getting all of the regime’s factions on the same page, voicing a unified message. Iran’s politics has never been wholly unified: There are multiple centers of power, including the religious establishment, the elected government, and the military, as well as competing factions within those centers. But when the supreme leader weighed in, everyone aligned their message with his.

Whatever Mojtaba Khamenei’s current condition, that seems to be conspicuously absent now. “The president says what he wants; the speaker says what he wants,” Banai said. “There isn’t any coordination.”

Combined with the sheer number of senior figures who were killed by airstrikes, there’s something of a power vacuum in Tehran right now.

“Everyone is fighting for their relevance in this next iteration of the Islamic Republic,” said Sanam Vakil, director of the Middle East program at Chatham House. 

On the civilian side of the regime, there’s President Masoud Pezeshkian, a relative moderate who took power in 2024 after his predecessor was killed in a plane crash. While formally the second most powerful leader in Iran, Pezeshkian saw his power and influence curtailed during the war. As an advocate for diplomacy, his position could improve if the talks actually deliver economic relief for Iranians.

More prominent in public in recent weeks has been Mohammed Ghalibaf, the speaker of the Iranian parliament, who led the delegations conducting negotiations with the United States and appears frequently in the media to explain the government’s positions. As a publicity-hungry conservative populist known as a perennial presidential candidate and implicated in some shady real estate deals, Ghalibaf may have found his calling as the Iranian government’s point of contact with the Trump administration. More than any other figure in the regime, he’s seen his public and international profile rise as a result of the war. 

But the degree to which the civilians can actually speak for the Iranian regime as a whole in these talks is perhaps Iran’s single biggest question after Mojtaba Khamenei’s real status. On the military side, the most significant ascending figure may be Ahmad Vahidi, commander in chief of the Revolutionary Guard, who has frequently overruled the moderates seeking a quick deal to end the war. According to reporting by the Wall Street Journal, it was Vahidi who pushed for Iran to launch new missile strikes in June, despite concerns it would imperil the ongoing ceasefire negotiations with the US. Vahidi is under US sanctions for the regime’s crackdowns on protests and is wanted by Interpol for his alleged role in the 1994 bombing of a Jewish community center in Argentina. But he’s not always averse to cutting deals with Americans: He reportedly took part in the talks with the Reagan administration in the 1980s that became known in the US as Iran-Contra. 

With various voices and factions jockeying for influence, the question is just who is actually in charge of the Iranian system. “The system is in control of the system,” Vakil said. “I know we all want to think that there’s one individual that has power or authority. There’s no one commander in chief. It is a system that is commanding collectively for the time being.” All this could add up to a far more unpredictable Iran going forward. 

President Donald Trump has repeatedly claimed that Iran’s new leaders are “much more reasonable” than their predecessors, and top US officials claim to be developing productive relationships with their Iranian counterparts. But the Iranian leadership has also repeatedly shown in recent weeks that it is willing to risk blowing up the talks by using force when it feels its red lines are being crossed, whether that’s Israel’s incursions into Lebanon or threats to Tehran’s control of the Strait of Hormuz.

What will the new Iranian regime look like? 

At some point, the world will get more clarity on Mojtaba Khamenei’s real role, and a new system will click into place. When the power struggles shake out, that regime will probably be not any more democratic than Iran under the Ayatollah and certainly no more inclined to trust the United States. But it is possible that an Iran will emerge that is less ideological, religious, and revolutionary — and yet potentially more aggressive — than what we’ve seen since 1979. 

In a recent article in Foreign Affairs, the Iranian-American scholars Narges Bajoghli and Vali Nasr argued that Iran’s more “technocratic” new leaders, many of whom came of age during the brutal Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s rather than the anti-Shah resistance of the 1970s, may be more willing to engage in direct talks with the US than the more ideological cohort led by Ali Khamenei, but may be even more to risk force. 

Bigger changes could come on the domestic side. Iran’s famously strict religious laws were already loosening a bit before the war. Though wearing a hijab is still legally required for Iranian women, the law is less enforced and many more women have been going without the headscarf since the “woman, life, freedom” protests in 2022. Some experts expect Iran’s government, particularly if the supreme leader is ultimately playing a muted role, to promote a more secular form of authoritarian nationalism. That may already be underway — the sight of partially or even unveiled women at pro-regime rallies was one of the more surprising developments of this war. 

Vakil said that the government is likely to continue to point to religion as a justification for its policies, but in a moment of crisis and instability, the regime will have to choose its battles, which may mean “tolerating women walking around wearing whatever they want.” What it will not mean, given the hardline positions men like Ghalibaf and Vahidi have taken during previous mass protests, is tolerating dissent or opposition to the political system itself. The hopes, expressed by US and Israeli leaders at the outset of this war, that it would spark a public uprising or fracturing of the regime, have obviously not come to pass. 

The revolution is now nearly 50 years old, and change was coming to Iran eventually, whether the war happened or not. It was already clear in the last years of Ali Khamenei’s life that the system he led was under stress from economic stagnation, international isolation, and public discontent among a population, the majority of whom have no memory of the 1979 revolution. The transition to his successor was expected to be a test of whether the regime could reform itself to survive another generation. Thanks to US and Israeli airstrikes, that transition is happening on an accelerated timeline. 

The regime has shown it can survive ‚ and arguably win — a war with much more powerful adversaries. But a population desperate for a return to normalcy may not get it for some time, given the uncertain state of the ceasefire. Domestic divisions and rivalries that were suppressed during wartime may reemerge now that the fighting has mostly stopped. 

Right now, many Iranians are wondering whether Mojtaba Khamenei is actually in any shape to perform the role his father played for 36 years. But the bigger question may be whether, in Iran’s new political reality, that role will even exist much longer. 

Update, 10:30 am ET, July 6, 2026: This piece was originally published on July 1 and has been updated to reflect the news that Mojtaba Khamenei did not attend his father’s funeral on July 4.

Рынок труда в IT стал «лимонным». Рассматриваю последствия этого для кандидатов и нанимателей на основе источников, описывающих такие рынки. Предлагаю конкретные инструменты для разработчиков и HR.

В первой части мы загрузили своё ядро на настоящий телефон, вывели «Hello world» в UART и нарисовали квадратик на экране. Во второй — научили ядро управлять памятью и завели кучу.

С тех пор прошло более 4 месяцев, и проект тихо перешагнул важную черту: из bare-metal эксперимента получилось микроядро. В привилегированном режиме остались только процессы, память и передача сообщений, а всё остальное — драйверы, сервисы, будущая графика — обычные программы снаружи. Само ядро при этом выросло с неполной тысячи строк до сорока пяти тысяч.

В этой статье разберёмся, что такое capability и handle и при чём здесь seL4 и Zircon, запустим свой процесс-"калькулятор" на телефоне и поговорим с ним по IPC, а под конец напишем userspace-драйвер часов для устройства, про которое в ядре нет ни строчки.

Our job was to prepare dressing rooms with the bands’ alcohol. The musicians tended to be gentle and kooky but their managers were pushy

My friend Hannah and I scored a job working in the “artist liaison” team at a music festival in 2004. We were both Australians, living in a share house in London, and our role was to manage backstage dressing rooms and keep the artists both happy and under control.

I was 22, with a walkie-talkie in one hand and the keys to a sea container full of alcohol in the other, and I’ve never felt more powerful.

Sign up for a weekly email featuring our best reads

Последние полгода я почти не пишу код руками. Вместо этого я проектирую инженерную систему, в которой AI пишет код, а Git, тесты, CI, агенты и правила не позволяют ему принимать неправильные решения.

В статье расскажу, как устроен этот процесс и почему, на мой взгляд, именно такой подход делает AI пригодным для реальной разработки.

В 2026 году ИИ-помощников для написания кода пруд пруди. Разные модели по-разному подходят к решению задач: тот же ИИ, способный за пару минут состряпать безупречный сайт, может намертво зависнуть на сложных кодинг-проектах. Но для небольших любительских схем на микроконтроллерах такие модели подходят идеально – тут они могут показать себя во всей красе.

Поэтому автор обзора, Ядулла Абиди, устроил очную ставку Claude Code, Codex и Antigravity в реальном хардверном проекте. Задача – собрать простенькую информационную панель на базе ESP32 с OLED-дисплеем и датчиком температуры, которая умеет выполнять несколько параллельных задач. И хотя все три ассистента способны выдать рабочий прототип, выбирать помощника не глядя точно не стоит.

Would-be prime minister has made basic missteps in pitches to Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland

Andy Burnham’s devolution promises are yet to impress sceptical Celtic administrations hoping for a reset with Westminster, sources in Cardiff and Edinburgh have said.

Burnham, who is expected to take over from Keir Starmer as prime minister on 20 July, has made much of his support for the devolution of power and resources in England, pledging in an agenda-setting speech last week to make a new “No 10 North” the “nerve centre of a rewired Britain”.

Exclusive University of Sydney study finds heat-related hospital admissions to increase by at least 6% by the end of the century

• Follow our Australia news live blog for latest updates

• Get our breaking news email, free app or daily news podcast

Extreme high temperatures in warmer months double the risk of young people being admitted to hospital for a mental health condition, according to research.

The analysis, which looked at 720,000 New South Wales hospital admissions of young people aged up to 24, suggested the climate crisis would aggravate the already declining mental health of young people.

Exclusive: Economists warn Labor’s removal of caps could be pushing up prices as support flows to people in better financial positions

• Follow our Australia news live blog for latest updates

• Get our breaking news email, free app or daily news podcast

Most Australian first home buyers are using the government’s 5% deposit scheme, with one in three new participants earning more than the scheme’s previous cap for high-income earners.

The influx of high-income earners into the first home guarantee program, economists warn, has pushed up property prices by increasing buying capacity for people who would have bought anyway.

Снял свой товар на телефон, положил на подоконник, поймал блик от люстры, залил на маркетплейс - и карточка утонула где-то между тремя тысячами таких же. Знакомо? При этом идти в студию за 15 тысяч ради одной баночки крема жаба душит по-настоящему.

Это история о том, как я писал балансировщик нагрузки для телеграм-ботов, на полпути понял, что телеграм тут вообще ни при чём, выкинул половину проекта - и теперь у меня Rust-конструктор, из которого одинаково собирается реверс-прокси, самодельный ngrok, мост HTTP -> RabbitMQ -> Kafka и тот самый балансировщик ботов, с которого всё началось.

Проект называется tgin. Раньше это был Telegram Gateway Interface, теперь - Traffic Gateway Interface.

На дворе 2026 год, технологии развиваются, а хакеры становятся сильнее и изобретают новые способы обхода средств безопасности. Один из таких методов, который уже стал классикой в 2026 году — это BYOVD‑техника (Bring Your Own Vulnerable Driver). Суть проста: атакующий подсовывает в систему легитимный, но уязвимый драйвер, чтобы использовать его как рычаг для отключения защиты(например, чтобы убить процесс антивируса). То есть, в процессе атаки через BYOVD у хакера всегда есть уязвимый легитимный драйвер, но его ищут двумя путями.

Первый — это просто в наглую взять готовый паблик‑драйвер с сайта LoLDrivers, где их лежит целая куча, но такие общеизвестные драйверы антивирусы моментально заносят в черный список и блокируют через различные функции обратного вызова (каллбеки).

Второй намного интереснее — расковырять и найти уязвимость вручную в каком‑нибудь старом системном драйвере или софте для разгона видеокарты. Вот это даёт уникальный вектор атаки, потому что драйвера нет нигде в паблике, соответственно, в чёрные списки его заносить нет причин.

Используется эта техника потому, что современные антивирусы стали слишком сильными. Если посмотреть под капот любому актуальному хорошему защитнику, мы увидим там как минимум 4 собственных драйвера, которые контролируют процессы, следят за подключением разных физических устройств (USB), следят за тем, чтобы вредоносный процесс не смог проэксплуатировать какую‑то уязвимость(например, подмена токена у системного процесса на свой).

Исходя из всего, что я описал выше, возникает логичный вопрос: как мы можем пресекать способы эксплуатации системы через BYOVD‑драйверы? Ответ на этот вопрос прост — нам нужна технология ELAM.

Carroll was awarded damages after New York jury concluded Trump sexually abused her, then defamed her after she publicly described the attack

Donald Trump’s latest attempt to delay payment of a $5.8m judgment for defaming a magazine columnist whom a jury determined he sexually abused has been emphatically rejected by a federal court judge.

In a single-sentence 4 July order, US district Judge Lewis Kaplan denied the president’s request for more time to pay the civil judgment owed to E Jean Carroll, who was awarded the damages after a New York jury concluded that Trump sexually abused her in 1996 – then defamed her after she publicly described the attack in 2019.

Exclusive: Campaigners argue news channel’s attacks on climate action ‘work in financial interests’ of Sir Paul Marshall

The hedge fund run by the co-owner of GB News almost tripled its investments in fossil fuel companies in the first quarter of 2026 to $2.8bn (£2.1bn), the Guardian can reveal.

Critics have accused Sir Paul Marshall of “cashing in on climate chaos” and have claimed the news channel, which frequently attacks climate science and action, was “working in its owner’s financial interests”.

A decidedly unremarkable Brazilian team had looked tentative at this tournament. A sixth World Cup title looks a long way off

Brazil were 1-0 down. At first, a few yellow jerseys wandered up the aisles and out to the concourse, writing off the small fortunes they had invested in being here, never mind the chances of their nation lifting a sixth World Cup. Then it was a steady stream of Brazil fans heading to the exits.

They knew how this was going to end. That Brazil would be eliminated here in the last 16, knocked out at the earliest stage since 1990. That they would have gone six World Cups without lifting the trophy, their longest title drought.