Характер задаёт учитель — обработанный сигнал, на который натаскивается уточнитель. Смените учителя, и характер сменится целиком, а конструкция останется прежней.
Tymbal — орган звукоизвлечения цикады: ребристая мембрана, которая щёлкает при нелинейном выгибании. Маленький аппарат, громкий и богатый обертонами результат, и весь механизм держится на одной нелинейности. У нас нелинейность учителя переносится сетью на детерминированный скелет, и всё это живёт на одном чипе.
Слово к тому же приходит оттуда же, откуда «тембр». Merriam‑Webster выводит tymbal как изменённое от более раннего timbal (литавра), а timbre — от греческого tympanon, барабана: в старофранцузском это ещё барабан, в среднефранцузском — колокол под молоточком, и лишь потом слово стало означать окраску звука. Имя инструмента и слово «тембр» — родня по барабану.
Первый вариант я написал через i, как в литавре. Пришлось переименовывать: у цикады это tymbal, через y.
N6 ниже по тексту — рабочий индекс по имени чипа, он остался в названиях файлов и веток.
В начале было слово. И слово было в чате. Вы задавали вопросы, ИИ генерил код. Этот код то работал, то не работал. Но чтобы это проверить, надо было вручную копипастить и запускать его. Было не очень удобно, но все равно круто! А потом кто-то приделал чату руки — tools —и появились ИИ-агенты.
Это выглядело уже совсем магически: ты говоришь агенту, что нужно, а он выкатывает тебе готовое приложение. С легкой руки Андрея Карпатого такой стиль программирования стали называть вайбкодингом. И развелось этих вайбкодеров видимо-невидимо. На первых порах все были счастливы: «Вы только посмотрите, что я вчера навайбкодил! И оно работает! Разве это не чудо?»
Когда восторги немного улеглись, пришло осознание, что ИИ-шечка неплохо справляется только с простыми задачами — запилить небольшой сайт, игру, что-нибудь автоматизировать для личных нужд. Это делалось действительно на вайбе — ты только накидываешь идеи, а оно само как-то генерится. А как пошли серьезные проекты, то выяснилось, что с полпинка ничего не получается. Что агенту надо долго и нудно объяснять, что от него требуется и только тогда может что-нибудь получится. А может и нет.
Former New York City Comptroller Brad Lander holds a Muslim-Jewish unity campaign rally with Mayor Zohran Mamdani and Palestinian activist Moshen Mahdaw as Lander campaigned for the New York 10th Congressional District on June 14, 2026, in New York City. | Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis via Getty Images
There’s a lot of discussion about Jewish voters in politics this cycle.
With Democrats embroiled in loud arguments over Israel and Gaza, Republicans have been hoping to capture more of the Jewish vote by linking criticism of Israel to antisemitism. “How a Jewish person can vote for a Democrat is beyond me,” President Donald Trump said last month. His administration has made cracking down on anti-Israel campus activists — a top early priority — and has called Democrats “Palestinian” or “jihadists.”
Meanwhile, Democrats have pointed to the rise of openly antisemitic influencers within the conservative movement, which has become a divisivetopic on the right that also runs into debates over Israel, as a pressing threat to Jews.
But what do Jewish voters themselves actually want? That’s a nuanced question, and one that we have fresh polling and voting data on to help us dissect this cycle.
American Jews aren’t a large voting bloc — just over 2 percent of the population — but there are also significant communities in some key swing states and competitive districts. As a matter of partisan politics, Jews have historically voted Democratic by wide margins, but Republicans have long hoped to peel them off, often by emphasizing their support for Israel. Though it’s been a common refrain from pro-Israel and Republican activists for decades that a GOP realignment was justaround thecorner, it wasn’t until the 2024 presidential election that these voices got a firm boost. Nationally, and in local communities, Jewish support for the Democratic Party seemed to drop slightly.
Key takeaways
Jewish voters remain strongly and consistently Democratic overall, despite a modest Republican shift in 2024.
Domestic concerns — especially democracy, affordability, healthcare, and abortion rights — are key issues, while rising antisemitism and personal safety have become major unifying anxieties.
Views on Israel are complex: Most Jewish Americans identify as pro-Israel while criticizing Netanyahu or Israeli policies, and many distinguish legitimate policy debate from antisemitism — even as they worry that anti-Israel rhetoric can cross that line.
Elections since then have been difficult to parse. In last year’s New York City mayoral election, for example, Zohran Mamdani won about 33 percent of Jewish voters, compared to the 63 percent that went for Andrew Cuomo in a race where divisions over Israel and antisemitism featured strongly. In the primary, many Cuomo voters also backedMamdani ally Brad Lander, a Jewish progressive who was sharply critical of Israel — and who went on to easily defeat Rep. Dan Goldman in a congressional primary in a heavily Jewish district this year while running to his left on Israel issues.Meanwhile, in New Jersey, left-wing Democrat Analilia Mejia won a special election for a House seat while harshly criticizing Israel. But her candidacy led some Jewish strongholds to swing massively toward Republicans.
So, what happens to the Jewish vote in the 2026 midterms? This segment of voters is no monolith, experts say, and finding the “right” way to talk about Israel is no guarantor of electoral success. Polls show Jewish voters hold competing priorities in their minds: They’re increasingly concerned about antisemitism and their personal safety in America, and they hold complex and divergent views on Israel, which often is not a defining voting issue, even as it seems to be the dominant way strategists and pundits talk about this electorate.
Here’s what the latest data has to say about what Jewish voters want and how their politics are changing this cycle.
The remarkable consistency of the Jewish electorate
Aside from Black voters, there have traditionally been no more loyal Democratic voters than Jewish Americans. Since 2008, between 60 and 80 percent of these voters picked the Democratic candidate, while about 60 percent have consistently identified with the party over the last two decades.
That changed slightlyafter 2024, when exit polls suggested a six-point swing toward Donald Trump compared to 2020. Jewish communities in New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania, meanwhile, shifted more dramatically — which analysts for the election data site Split Ticket argued last year represented a 5 to 10 percentage-point swing against Democrats.
There are plenty of arguments over how and why this happened — pollsters and experts I spoke with told me that, despite the majority of Jewish American voters still siding with Democrats, the voting group mirrored other traditionally Democratic voting groups’ swing against the incumbent.
“Biden won the election, Harris lost the election,” Tali deGroot, the national political director of J Street, told Vox. “That means that every single community likely saw shifts with fewer people voting for the Democrat.”
Others argue it was a return to more of a baseline of voter behavior. 2020 was the aberration, with remarkably high support for Biden because of pandemic conditions.
But what still stands out beyond these trendlines is the steady support Democrats receive from these voters — whether because of the high level of college education among these constituents(a blue-coded trait in the Trump era), the geographic location of these voters (primarily in Democratic states like New York and California), or the socially liberal beliefs many of these voters hold (Jews historically support abortion rights, for example).
Even heading into 2026, Democrats still hold overwhelmingly strong support from these voters, Jim Gerstein, a founding partner of the polling firm GBAO, told me.
“What’s remarkable is actually how consistent Jewish voting behavior and political beliefs and values have been for years and still through today,” Gerstein said. “You have these massive developments in domestic, international, political events, actual things that happen in the real world, and the Jewish vote is just remarkably stable.”
Entering 2026, Gerstein argues, two dynamics remain at play that are preserving their Democratic lean. The long-held liberal ideological bent of Jewish Americans, along with the issues they prioritize, broadly align with the Democratic Party. And, on the other end, their antipathy to Trump and the Republican Party is “intense,” a force that pushes these voters away from the GOP, even if there were broader reasons to realign.
“Not only do they identify with the Democrats, they share positions on the major issues, shared values,” Gerstein said. “And they also have a strong opposition to the Republican Party and leading Republican figures.”
These dynamics also reveal themselves when looking at various denominations within the Jewish electorate. The largest segments — nondenominational, Reform, and Conservative Jews — lean heavily Democratic and have remained more or less steadily Democratic over the last few years. A smaller segment, Orthodox Jews — who make up about a tenth of the Jewish population but are growing — lean toward Republicans, are more strongly supportive of Trump and Israel, and have been shifting right over the last five years.
“The Orthodox population is in its own political world relative to the rest of the Jewish population,” Gerstein said. “To the extent there’s any shifting [broadly], there’s been some shifting among Orthodox to make them even more Republican. That is offset by the fact that the Reform population is much larger. They are extraordinarily Democratic, and if anything, are moving a little bit more Democratic.”
How Jewish American voters are feeling about 2026
Polls of Jewish voters this year suggests these dynamics are largely baked into the electorate at this point. A national AP-NORC survey of voters, with an oversampling of Jewish Americans, in June found that Jewish adults’ approval of how Trump is handling his job is nearly 10 points lower than among all American adults generally.
“We see that same pattern on most of the issues that we asked about, such as the economy, immigration, and Iran,” Emily Alvarez, a senior research scientist at NORC, told me. “But when it comes to his handling of Israel, they’re actually slightly more likely than the general public to approve. It’s a very small difference, but it is a difference, and it’s kind of a reversal of that trend that we saw with the other issues.”
NORC’s polling also suggests that domestic, kitchen table issues continue to be the dominant priorities of these voters generally. More than 80 percent of Jewish adults say the economy and healthcare are top priorities for them this year. About 56 and 66 percent say Israel or foreign policy are important concerns.
This June finding roughly matches the priorities that two other pollsters identified this year. The Mellman Group’s polling for the Jewish Electorate Institute from March found that Jewish voters largely say Democrats are better aligned with their views on abortion rights, healthcare, fair elections, and supporting the middle class.
And polling from GBAO on behalf of the Jewish Voters Resource Center in the spring found that the future of democracy (37 percent) and the cost of living/affordability (32 percent) are the top two issue priorities of Jewish voters, broadly speaking. Concerns over antisemitism round out the top three (25 percent).
Fear of discrimination and antisemitism is the biggest unifying concern for Jewish adults. When GBAO asked respondents about dealbreaker issues, 20 percent cited antisemitism as being their red line for supporting a candidate. And AP-NORC’s polling found that 62 percent of Jewish adults feel they are less safe than before October 7.
And while Jewish voters tend to be more aligned with Democrats on issues, the polling also found they remain wary of partisan politics — a common trait among many demographics in recent cycles.
“Jewish Americans really feel a sense of political dissatisfaction. They don’t feel particularly well supported by either political party. Very few say Democrats or Republicans support them well,” Alvarez said. “Republicans tend to feel a lot better supported by Republicans, and then they feel really supported by President Trump, but then far fewer Democrats feel the same way about their own party or about the president.”
The Israel factor
It’s hard to disentangle the effect of the Israel-Gaza war from the current political environment for Jewish voters.
Sam Markstein, the political director of the Republican Jewish Coalition, told me that October 7 was a defining moment for many Jewish voters who had preexisting misgivings about the Democratic Party. Changing political and public opinion on Israel and acts of violence against Jewish people and at places of worship, as well as shifts among Democrats and the left’s broader tension with AIPAC, suddenly made safety and antisemitism more pressing issues.
“After October 7, American Jews focused a lot more on their safety,” Markstein told me. “The main questions we heard, time and time, was who would best keep us safe, who would stand up for our students on the college campus quad, who would make us feel better about walking with our young kids to shul on Saturday morning, who would actually stand with the Jewish community and empower us to wear our Stars of David in public and not have to hide it.”
While concerns about antisemitism are widespread, views on Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict itself are nuanced, particularly among Jewish Democrats, various pollsters told me.
AP-NORC’s polling, for example, found that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was broadly disliked by American Jews, with six-in-10 adults expressing unfavorable views. By contrast, Mamdani, the New York City mayor who recently explored arresting Netanyahu, was viewed favorably by 44 percent of Jews, with 39 percent expressing an unfavorable view. 30 percent of Jews said they believed Israel had committed genocide in its war in Gaza, while 49 percent said it had not.
One important wrinkle that’s often divided Israel critics is the context of that criticism. Many Jews are concerned about Israel’s security and direction and hope to see a new government with a stronger commitment to forging peace with Palestinians and neighboring states. Michael Bloomfield, a lead pollster and managing director for the Mellman Group, told me that “what often gets forgotten is that almost all American Jews, 86 percent, consider themselves pro-Israel,” including a similar share of Jewish Democrats.
But a rising segment of the left — including candidates like Abdul El-Sayed — often describe Israel’s founding vision of a homeland for Jews as inherently oppressive and sometimes calls for replacing the country with a secular and binational Arab-Jewish state. By contrast, New York’s Brad Lander, also on the left, describes himself as a “liberal Zionist” who wants a peaceful two-state solution that preserves Israel’s existence.
Polling this year, sponsored by the Jewish Electorate Institute, found that, while many Jewish Democrats are critical of Israeli government policies and the US partnership with Israel in the war in Iran, they are still strongly supportive of Israel as a state.
Overall, nearly nine in 10 American Jews describe themselves as pro-Israel, they found, but only about a quarter, 23 percent, consider themselves both pro-Israel and supportive of Israeli government policies. Six in 10 are pro-Israel and critical, half of whom are critical of “some” and another half who are critical of “many” policies. That broadly aligns with partisan identification. While 84 perfect of Jewish Democrats are “pro-Israel,” 73 percent of them are critical of Israeli policies. Republicans, a smaller share overall, are less likely to be critical.
There are also differences based on religious and cultural identity within the Jewish electorate, apparent in the NORC polling. Jews with a religious affiliation or strong attachment to Israel as part of their religious identity tend to be more supportive of Israel’s actions than secular Jews. About half of those with religious affiliation say the Gaza military campaign is justified, while a quarter believe Israel has committed genocide, compared to about two in 10 secular Jews who say the Gaza campaign is justified, and 4 in 10 who agree with the genocide charge. Three-quarters of that cohort say they are “not too” or “not at all” emotionally attached to Israel.
While concerns about antisemitism are rising, there’s room for nuance, Bloomfield told me.
“There is a policy debate about how much aid Israel should get, there’s a policy debate about where our relationship should be,” Bloomfield told me. “That is different than the worry when it gets to antisemitism and feeling uncomfortable in the Democratic Party.” The Mellman poll for JEI found that a majority of American Jews agree with the statement that “too many supporters of Israel claim any criticism of Israel is antisemitism as a way to avoid legitimate debate over Israeli policy.”
Nearly half of Jewish Republicans (47 percent) agree with that, along with 59 percent of Democrats. At the same time, 83 percent of Jewish Americans agree that “too many critics of Israel use tropes and generalizations about Jews to play into antisemitism, whether they mean to or not.”
Those nuanced views speak to the moment of uncertainty that many Jewish Democrats feel right now, he said. Israel, and the US relationship with it, does not dominate their vote choice or decision-making, but the way the party’s rising leaders, activist class, and press talk about it may become a bigger pressure point later this cycle. In the latest Mellman/JEI polling, few Jews say they’ve been following the discourse and debate over AIPAC and other pro-Israel groups’ spending in primary contests. Some 62 percent of all Jews say they have not heard much — including a majority of Jewish Democrats.
That number has likely gone up since then, given high-profile contests like Michigan’s Senate primary this month, which featured extensive arguments about pro-Israel spending and whether criticizing them shaded into antisemitism. And the salience of these debates may change in either direction depending on the news. Democrats could pursue a more aggressive policy to pressure Israel if they win the House, for example, or Israel might find room for a reset if Netanyahu loses his premiership later this year.
“There are cross currents and Jews can feel both ways at the same time,” Bloomfield said. “We ourselves can be concerned where people use antisemitism as cries as a way to get out of legitimate debate. On the other hand, there’s even more of us concerned that a lot of what is being debated by Israel often does veer too quickly into something that’s antisemitism. We can have both feelings at the same time.”
Недавний разговор с командной. Сидим в зуме, обсуждаем, как жить дальше. У половины команды личные проблемы, у другой половины — кредиты и ипотеки, съемное жилье и планы на будущие. И я смотрю на их лица в этих маленьких квадратиках и понимаю: я ничего не могу им дать. Вообще ничего. Ни уверенности, ни стабильности, ни даже внятного ответа на вопрос «а что будет с нами через месяц, два?».
Exclusive: Uran Ferizi says arrivals fell sharply after short-lived influx, but country continues to be stigmatised
The number of Albanians who travelled to Britain in small boats four years ago remains the focus of “unhinged” and “hysterical” criticisms from rightwing politicians and the media, according to the country’s UK ambassador.
Uran Ferizi said the influx of more than 12,000 people from the Balkan state in 2022 was “real”, “exceptional” and “short-lived”, but the Albanian community in the UK was still being framed by those events by Reform UK and the Daily Telegraph.
Fisheye-камера позволяет роботу увидеть почти всё помещение одним кадром. Но за широкий обзор приходится платить: на WideDepth при увеличении угла обзора (FOV) со 120° до 195° ошибка некоторых SOTA-моделей монокулярной оценки глубины увеличивается более чем вдвое. Без точной эталонной разметки трудно понять, что именно подвело модель — геометрия камеры, отличие новых данных от обучающей выборки или погрешность самой разметки.
Чтобы разделить эти факторы, мы создали WideDepth — бенчмарк для оценки глубины по fisheye-изображениям. Он позволяет проверять модели при разных углах обзора, стереобазах и ориентациях камер.
With the Hall of Fame game done, and the second round of preseason games underway, let’s look at the storylines that could dominate the coming weeks
Winning the Super Bowl back in February puts the Seattle Seahawks in line to become the 10th team, and the ninth franchise, to repeat as champions (the Pittsburgh Steelers went back-to-back twice in the 1970s). While a lot of Super Bowl winners experience massive drains of coaching and playing talent after clinching the title, these Seahawks are left in pretty good shape.
Kevin Rideout, who was abducted by unknown assailants in Niamey, said to be in good health and in care of US officials
An American missionary who was kidnapped in Niger in October has been released, his organisation has said
According to a statement released by Serving in Mission International, Kevin Rideout “is in good health in the care of US officials” and would soon be reunited with his extended family.
From “Slow Horses” to “Big Little Lies,” our list of great psychological thrillers, spy novels and crime fiction have inspired a heap of great adaptations.
Can our Book Review editor, Tina Jordan, guess thrillers from their first sentence? In this game we explore a few of the books from The New York Times’s “50 Best Thrillers of the 21st Century” list; and learn a bit more about why opening sentences are so important to get people reading.
In the tiny nation, Moscow paid Orthodox priests, conducted a vote-buying scheme and set up training camps on election interference — all in an effort to derail the Western-leaning government.
As the Trump administration drops charges against corporations and the wealthy, it is also taking aim at small-scale fraud cases, including against the operator of a weathered food truck in California.
Exclusive: Uran Ferizi says arrivals fell sharply after short-lived influx, but country continues to be stigmatised
The number of Albanians who travelled to Britain in small boats four years ago remains the focus of “unhinged” and “hysterical” criticisms from rightwing politicians and the media, according to the country’s UK ambassador.
Uran Ferizi said the influx of more than 12,000 people from the Balkan state in 2022 was “real”, “exceptional” and “short-lived”, but the Albanian community in the UK was still being framed by those events by Reform UK and the Daily Telegraph.
Ground Truth makes the shared rental bikes harder to pedal through rent-burdened neighborhoods, offering a tangible way for people to experience income inequality.
Палаточный отдых двух россиян в живописном шведском городке Фурувик закончился арестом и выдворением из страны — из-за «русского акцента» и пары раций. Их история демонстрирует настроения в Швеции, которая после вторжения России в Украину сильнее многих в Европе ощущает угрозу со стороны Москвы.
Предварительное расследование инцидента на борту Ryanair, когда голову и плечо пассажира затянуло в иллюминатор, показало: окно было разбито оторвавшейся лопаткой двигателя.
За два дня в индустрии аэротакси произошло кое‑что странное.
10 августа Archer Aviation договорилась забрать у Boeing сразу три бизнеса — Wisk, Insitu и SkyGrid. Самый интересный из них, Insitu, делает военные беспилотники и приносит больше $200 млн выручки в год; Boeing взамен получит 19,75% компании и право назначить директора в совет. На следующий день конкурент Archer — Joby Aviation — объявил о покупке оборонной Resonant Sciences примерно за $500 млн: около $450 млн деньгами и ещё $50 млн акциями.
Получается занятная картина. Две компании, которые годами рассказывали нам о тихих электрических такси над городами, почти одновременно покупают себе оборонные бизнесы. Самый простой ответ на вопрос «зачем» — ради денег. Но это только половина истории.
First Test, day two: Australia 198; Bangladesh 351 for 6 in Darwin
Opener hits maiden Test century as tourists build 153-run lead
A maiden Test century by Tanzid Hasan has given Bangladesh a 153-run lead against an Australian side that were forced to use eight bowlers in Darwin.
In just his second Test match, the 25-year-old left-hander’s brilliant 101 put the Tigers in position to push for what would be their greatest win in long-form cricket.
The DNC is expected to vote on Saturday to approve the new order of states for the 2028 presidential nominating process, amidst controversy over some of those decisions.
Космический аппарат не обязательно должен весить сотни килограммов и стоить как небольшой завод. Иногда достаточно платы размером с ладонь, Raspberry Pi, радиоканала и команды, которая готова несколько месяцев отлаживать термостабилизацию, прошивку и связь с орбиты.
В июле прошлого года я рассказывал, что мы готовим к запуску спутник с бортовым компьютером, к которому можно будет подключаться по SSH. Прямо как к нашему VPS, только он летит над головой со скоростью 7,8 км/с. Звучало как фантастика, но мы это сделали.
Сейчас расскажу, что из этого вышло на самом деле, почему мы ушли от предыдущего форм-фактора и что такое TriSat — платформа, которую мы выбрали для нашего космического эксперимента.
Mangione was charged with two federal stalking counts and faces a maximum penalty of life in prison in the 2024 killing of United Healthcare CEO Brian Thompson.
The poet and novelist on the power of fairytales, being inspired by Frank O’Hara and the joys of Doris Lessing
My earliest reading memory
Reading On the Ning Nang Nong by Spike Milligan, aged five or so, sitting on the floor of the bedroom I shared with my brother – who, in my memory, was sitting on the carpet next to me.
My favourite book growing up
I had a collection of fairytales in a big yellow hardback, which I was totally entranced by from around the age of seven to 10. I’ll never forget the feeling of despair on turning the page and discovering that the Little Mermaid had become foam on the surface of the water; it was a very early lesson in the helplessness of the reader in the face of a story’s destiny. In particular, though, I loved a Scottish fairytale called The Black Bull of Norroway, which I think, in many ways, has been under the surface of everything I’ve ever written.
Hollywood Crime Story: The Mob Takes Over the Movies looks back at how criminals insinuated themselves in the film business
“From the foundation of Hollywood, organized crime is there.” So claims Tom Patterson, producer and director of new three-part documentary series, Hollywood Crime Story: The Mob Takes Over the Movies.
Organized crime’s connection to the film industry actually predates Tinseltown, being present for the foundation of the medium itself, when inventor Thomas Edison sicced his hired goons on competitors in an attempt to maintain total control over early motion picture technology. As covered in Hollywood Crime Story, this resulted in said competitors – mostly Jewish businessmen from the east coast – fleeing westward and establishing the town and studio system that would become synonymous with movies as we know them.
The deaths of a Bulawayo mother and her daughters spark calls for an urgent action on gender-based violence
The three white coffins were draped in white lace and topped with small sprays of flowers. The mourners who filled a Bulawayo church last week to pay their respects to Zandile Tshuma and her daughters, Natalie, 15, and Nala, five, had not engaged in the usual tradition of first viewing the dead at their home: the bodies of this family had travelled all the way from England to reach their final resting place at Luveve cemetery on the edge of Zimbabwe’s second city, in Matabeleland.
While the deaths attracted few news reports in the UK, in Zimbabwe and South Africa, the tragic case has reignited concern over the region’s high rates of femicide. Many commentators on TV and social media expressed shock that a well-educated woman with a successful career abroad seemed as vulnerable to familial violence as a poorer woman in a southern African township.
Europe and Nato have known for years that interceptor production can’t keep up with demand and now disaster looms, putting us all in danger
“Invincible.” That was how Vladimir Putin described Russia’s latest generation of ballistic missiles in 2018. In 2022 he would unleash this arsenal to strike across Ukraine, hitting command centres, critical infrastructure and airfields. Then, in 2023, Ukraine received Patriot air defence systems from its international partners. The US-supplied missile interceptor would prove to be an effective shield against Russian strikes.
But this year, supplies of Patriot missiles have run out and Kyiv has suffered the consequences. Intercepts have gone from more than 70% to none, so that night after night Russia strikes Ukraine’s infrastructure with impunity. This tragedy was long foretold, and there are no quick fixes.
Jack Watling is senior research fellow for applied military sciences at the Royal United Services Institute
