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Liza Colón-Zayas and Jeff Hiller presented the nominees on Wednesday morning. The Pitt led all shows with 25 nominations, followed closely by the final season of Hacks with 24.

Привет Хабр!

В прошлых годах видео от нейросети было заметна по характерным огрехам. По плывущим лицам, лишним пальцам и кривому движению. Как дела обстоят в середине 2026-го?

Мы взяли пять топовых генераторов видео — Veo 3.1, Kling v3 Omni, Sora 2 Pro, LTX-2.3 Pro и Grok Imagine Video 1.5 — и прогнали их через 7 одинаковых сценариев. Одинаковые промпты, одинаковые настройки, равные условия. От средневекового рыцаря до жонглёра, кота-паникёра и Уилла Смита, жадно уминающего спагетти.

Погнали.

Former Maine state Sen. Troy Jackson has filed to replace Graham Platner on the U.S. Senate ballot in Maine after Platner's girlfriend accused him of sexual assault.

(Image credit: Graeme Sloan)

Suit stemmed from 2023 Post article that said bank with ties to the porn industry helped fund Trump’s media operation

A federal judge in Florida has thrown out Donald Trump’s $3.8bn defamation lawsuit against the Washington Post over an article that said a bank with links to the pornography industry helped fund his fledgling social media operation.

In a brief order granting summary judgment to the newspaper, Tampa district court judge Thomas Patrick Barber, a Trump appointee, said the Trump Media and Technology Group (TMTG) had “failed to present evidence that would allow a jury to find by clear and convincing evidence” that the Post acted with actual malice, the benchmark for such an action to succeed.

Brent crude benchmark rose to more than $80 a barrel, its steepest increase since ceasefire began

Oil markets have recorded their sharpest price rise in nearly two months after a series of attacks on fossil fuel tankers near the strait of Hormuz led Donald Trump to declare that the ceasefire deal with Iran was over.

At the same time, UK short-dated bonds suffered their worst day since the end of March as the prospect grew of a Bank of England rate rise to cope with the renewed inflationary pressures.

A new Economist/YouGov poll is a rich text for political observers of the Supreme Court. The Court is unpopular (only 36 percent of American adults approve). It is loathed by Democrats (80 percent of whom disapprove of the Court). And its approval among Republicans is surprisingly soft, given that the GOP controls six of the nine seats on the Court. Only 69 percent of Republicans approve.

The least popular justice, meanwhile, is Justice Amy Coney Barrett. 

Although President Donald Trump’s most recent appointment to the Court is a conservative Republican, she is barely above water within her own party — a result that is unsurprising, because Barrett has recently come under fire from several far-right lawmakers and media figures.

In the rush of major rulings that the justices handed down at the end of June, Barrett joined two 5-4 decisions that ruled against Trump and his Republican Party. And not just on any issues, but two that have become increasingly central to the MAGA-era right: elections and immigration.

For many Supreme Court experts, the biggest surprise in both cases is that the vote was so close. In Watson v. Republican National Committee (2026), Republicans challenged a Mississippi law that allowed ballots that are mailed before Election Day, but that arrive up to five days later, to be counted — despite the fact that states have counted late-arriving ballots since the Civil War. And, in Trump v. Barbara (2026), Barrett also rejected Trump’s argument that a constitutional provision, that makes most people born in the United States citizens, has been misread by the Supreme Court for nearly 130 years.

But these decisions sparked angry responses from many of Trump’s allies, who had built up the ballot case into a bulwark against nonexistent election fraud touted by the president and the birthright citizenship case into a last stand against often-conspiratorial fears of an immigration “invasion.”

Watson fueled unsupported claims from Republicans like Justice Samuel Alito that “counting late-arriving ballots” would allow fraudsters “to stuff ballot boxes when early election results suggest a tight race.” Barbara, meanwhile, inspired fears that foreign nationals are coming to the United States in droves to give birth to US citizens.

Rep. Nancy Mace (R-SC) called for Barrett to be “removed from the Bench.” Sen. Eric Schmitt (R-MO) called her Watson opinion “shocking” and “terrible.” Matt Walsh, a podcaster with over 4 million followers on X, labeled her a “DEI hire.” Megyn Kelly, the former Fox News host, said Barrett is a “turncoat.” One of the most offensive reactions to Barrett, by right-wing pastor Joel Webbon, suggested that she’s unfit for judicial service, because she adopted two Black children.

Trump fumed about the decisions, but didn’t single out Barrett specifically. In 2025, CNN reported that the man who put Barrett on the Supreme Court had complained privately that she is “weak.”

The backlash against Barrett is not universal. She has many prominent defenders among Republicans. And any suggestion that she’s some kind of centrist squish is not supported by the facts. Rather than make that case myself, I will simply quote the National Review’s argument that Barrett is a very conservative justice who has handed victory after victory to Republican causes:

Barrett has stood courageously with her colleagues in one landmark conservative victory after another: overturning Roe v. Wade amidst threats to the justices’ safety, fortifying the Second Amendment, ending racial preferences, rejecting transgender ideology, protecting religious liberty, expanding space for school choice, reining in the administrative state, closing down avenues to attack secure elections, restricting nationwide injunctions by rogue district judges, swatting down lawfare that sought to jail Trump and throw him off the ballot, and blocking one after another of Joe Biden’s overreaches. This term has been no different, with Barrett joining decisions ending racially gerrymandered districts, allowing Trump to fire agency heads at will, protecting girls’ sports from male transgender athletes, and defending the religious free speech of crisis pregnancy centers and counselors against gender transition.

Still, the latest polling does suggest that voices like Mace, Walsh, and Kelly are shaping how much of the Republican Party views Barrett. And Trump’s 2025 complaint about her suggests that anyone he appoints to the Court in the future is unlikely to show even the dash of moderation that Barrett has displayed. Last April, Trump labeled Justice Samuel Alito, the Court’s most unapologetic Republican partisan, “one of the great justices of all time.”

So why does Barrett sometimes break with MAGA?

Ironically, the two most MAGA-aligned justices were not appointed by Trump. They are Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito, Republicans appointed by the first and second Bush presidents — although there are some early signs that Justice Brett Kavanaugh, a Trump appointee, may be moving in Alito’s direction.

One possible explanation for the Trump justices’ imperfect loyalty to him is that Trump relied heavily on the Federalist Society, a kind of bar association for conservative lawyers, to choose his first-term judges and justices. While the Federalist Society often promotes right-wing legal theories, its goals do not always align with Trump’s. At a Federalist Society conference in the spring of 2025, for example, numerous speakers criticized Trump’s tariffs — criticism that foreshadowed the Court’s decision striking many of those tariffs down. Notably, Trump had a falling out with Leonard Leo, the co-chair of the Federalist Society’s board, early in his second term.

Still, Barrett’s ties to the Federalist Society cannot entirely explain why she breaks with Trump more often than Thomas and Alito, as the latter two justices are also proud members of the society who frequently speak at its major events. The most likely reason why Barrett sometimes breaks with Trump is more banal: Lawyers cannot see the future.

All Supreme Court justices are heavily vetted by White House or Justice Department lawyers to ensure that they are ideologically reliable. But this vetting can only accomplish so much. If a vacancy opened up on the Supreme Court today, Trump’s White House could ensure that anyone he appointed would share the same views that the Republican Party holds today. But it obviously could not anticipate what the Republican Party will want to accomplish a decade from now and pick justices who will advance that agenda.

Consider, for example, Chief Justice John Roberts, a Republican who President George W. Bush appointed in 2005. At the time, one of the most contentious questions before the federal courts was whether Bush could detain suspected terrorists in Guantanamo Bay, and Roberts was a reliable vote in favor of Bush’s views on this issue. Roberts’s record also indicated that he agreed with conservative Republicans on a wide range of issues they had firm positions on in 2005, such as voting rights or how the Constitution approaches issues of race.

But the Bush White House could not have known that, more than a year after Bush left office, Bush’s successor would sign healthcare legislation that the Republican Party hated with supernova-like intensity. And so, Roberts cast the key vote to save most of Obamacare in 2012, even though all four of his Republican colleagues at the time dissented.

Barrett’s breaks with MAGA are similar to Roberts’s vote in the Obamacare case. They typically involve questions that weren’t on the Trump White House’s radar when she was appointed in 2020 and that often still divide Republicans today. 

In much the same way that Guantanamo Bay drove Bush’s selection of Roberts, Republicans in 2020 were focused on replacing the late pro-choice Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg with an opponent of abortion, and Barrett fit that bill. She joined the Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (2022), which eliminated the constitutional right to abortion.

But Republicans have evolved since Trump chose Barrett for the Supreme Court. During the Covid-era election that Trump lost to former President Joe Biden, Trump started attacking voting by mail. These attacks shifted voting patterns — Democrats are now more likely to mail their ballots than Republicans — and high-level Republicans noticed this shift. Watson was an attempt to semi-randomly toss out a bunch of mailed ballots on the theory that doing so would disproportionately hurt Democrats.

But the GOP’s turn against mail-in balloting was still in its infancy when Barrett was nominated in September of 2020. It likely never occurred to the White House lawyers who vetted Barrett to investigate whether she would vote to strike down a law like Mississippi’s.

Similarly, the birthright citizenship question at the heart of Barbara was one of the most uncontroversial questions in US law until Trump attempted to abolish birthright citizenship in 2025. When Judge John Coughenour, the Reagan appointee who was the first judge to reject Trump’s attack on birthright citizenship, announced his decision, he declared that he’s “been on the bench for over four decades,” and he “can’t remember another case where the question presented is as clear as this one is.”

Yet, whatever can be said about the GOP’s views in 2020, when Barrett was appointed, Barrett’s views on election law and citizenship are now wildly out of step with an ascendant faction within the Republican Party. Vice President JD Vance labeled birthright citizenship the “dumbest immigration policy in the world.” 

That’s one reason to keep an eye on the MAGA backlash against Barrett. Future Republican White Houses are more likely to vet any judicial nominee very closely to make sure that they will vote to abolish birthright citizenship, regardless of what the Constitution says. 

Italian designer brings sculptural silhouettes and playful palettes to storied house, while it is hats off to Giorgio’s niece at her second Armani Privé show

The house of Balenciaga takes haute couture very seriously indeed. Cristóbal Balenciaga was so horrified by the rise of mass-produced clothes that in 1968 he abruptly shuttered his brand and retired to his native Spain, announcing that “high fashion is mortally wounded”.

So Pierpaolo Piccioli, who now helms the house, approached the brief of his first Balenciaga couture collection conscientiously, despite having 25 years of experience at Valentino. At a preview, the haute couture war room where he worked on the show for nine months was plastered with images that ranged from a 1961 Balenciaga dress to Spanish golden age art – Zurbarán’s chic saints, Velázquez’s doll-like infantas – and a monumental Hepworth pierced megalith.

В прошлый раз я писал про голосового ИИ на Asterisk и Яндексе. Фурора не случилось, но статью открыли семьсот с лишним человек, в ленте её увидели тысячи, а в комментариях нашлись те, кто делает ровно то же — с той же болью и теми же вопросами про задержки и оценку качества ответов. Значит, тема живая, и про свои проекты писать имеет смысл. Сегодня — про другое, с виду куда более скучное: регулятор для руфтопа. Руфтоп — это крышный кондиционер, большой ящик на крыше торгового центра. Логика — по сути термостат с амбициями: держи температуру, включай компрессоры по запросу, не дай им зачастить. Я закладывал пару недель.

Кончилось это системой дифференциальных уравнений с собственным движком, которая пять раз убедила меня, что всё работает, а потом оказывалось — неправильно. А главное — кончилось не регулятором вовсе. Регулятор оказался тривиальным. Настоящая работа была в другом: научить систему честно говорить, что с железом не так, — и не соврать при этом ни одной цифрой.

Голый тезис на весь текст: термостат — это просто, пока не спросишь, что физически происходит внутри. После этого вопроса начинается наука. А приборы, которые показывают «всё в норме», врут убедительнее всего — и заставить их не врать труднее, чем написать сам регулятор.

Как на самом деле квантование ломает вызов инструментов? Собрал бенчмарк QuantMCP, протестировав модели на 4 ГБ VRAM не на синтетике, а на реальных схемах MCP-серверов. Главный инсайт: популярные бенчмарки вроде BFCL систематически врут - корреляция их оценок с реальным падением качества оказалась отрицательной (-0.755). На живых схемах модели ведут себя иначе: Llama-3.2-1B начинает возвращать саму JSON-схему вместо вызова или галлюцинирует имена инструментов, а Qwen3-0.6B выдумывает несуществующие таблицы в SQLite. Также показал, что сложность схемы не гарантирует большую деградацию, а выбор кванта «по таблицам» может привести к обратному эффекту.

Syria's Mar Musa monastery provides the tastiest mulberries, and its services draw from Eastern Orthodox Christian and Sufi customs.

Flagship health report also shows vaccine rates for children are falling, prompting concern from experts

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Australians with cancer are living longer than ever, a flagship health report has revealed, but falling childhood vaccination rates and increasing rates of measles, diphtheria and whooping cough have given experts cause for concern.

The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare’s (AIHW) biennial report card, released on Thursday, shows the five-year relative survival rate for people with cancer has increased from 50% to 72% in 30 years.

Exclusive: New study contradicts statements that play products removed from shelves because of asbestos concerns were ‘low risk’

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Colourful children’s play sand that was sold in Australia while contaminated with asbestos can release hazardous airborne fibres of the toxic mineral, researchers have discovered.

The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) and the lead researcher of the Auckland University of Technology (AUT) study, which found 90% of craft sand samples released asbestos into the air when played with, confirmed the products had been sold in Australia.

Australian director Natalie Erika James demonstrates the power of movies as vessels for cultural commentary in this intoxicatingly creepy production

The body horror genre has been around for a long time, nibbling at the edges of the zeitgeist, but it seems to be having a moment, or about to. Every new title (recent examples including The Ugly Stepsister and Together) arrives in the shadow of Coralie Fargeat’s hideously impressive The Substance, a rare example of a sticky-icky flick that spectacularly defied the high/low art divide and even snagged a handful of Oscar nominations. Also having a moment (a terrifically long moment!) are Australian horror movies, with recent years delivering oodles of critically acclaimed titles – among them Talk to Me, Late Night With the Devil, Leviticus, You’ll Never Find Me, You Won’t Be Alone, Sissy, Relic, The Invisible Man, Bring Her Back and Beast of War.

Into that Venn diagram overlay between “body horror” and “Australian” comes Saccharine, the new film from writer-director Natalie Erika James, which takes a bold route into exploring eating disorders and body dysmorphia, demonstrating yet again the great power and malleability of horror movies as vessels for cultural commentary. James has a knack for visualising core themes: first in her excellent feature debut Relic, a horror film about dementia that illustrates time’s deteriorating forces in individual images: a mouldy fruit bowl, an overrun tennis court.

Johnson reprises his role from the original animation and has fine rapport with his young co-star Catherine Laga’aia, but the whole enterprise feels cynical and pointless

Disney’s animated super-hit Moana from 2016 – having been followed up by a dull sequel two years ago – now gets a competent but basically pointless and unexciting back-to-basics live-action remake. Screenwriter Jared Bush modifies his original script, Broadway stage veteran Thomas Kail makes his movie directing debut and Lin-Manuel Miranda’s songs are revived. Nineteen-year-old Australian Samoan actor Catherine Laga’aia takes the role of Moana, the headstrong teen daughter of a Polynesian chief; her wise and kindly grandma Tala, who recognises Moana’s heroic leadership destiny, is played by New Zealand actor Rena Owen.

Moana has to go on a quest to restore the heart of the goddess Te Fiti, the lack of which is causing an eco-crisis on her home island of Motunui. To do this, she must join forces with the swaggeringly arrogant demigod Maui, in which role Dwayne Johnson returns in his own actual person, which is almost as cartoonishly muscly and vast as the animated version. Maui has a spurious quest of his own, to retrieve the hook which is the source of his power and to do this he must confront his own nemesis. This is the giant crab Tamatoa, which as before is voiced by Jemaine Clement and is a character which is of course just a 3D animated version of the 2D cartoon original, like Heihei, Moana’s less-than-hilarious pet chicken.

They suck up energy and water, and blast out heat. Just who is better off from all this investment – aside from tech bros?

The two great existential threats of our time – the climate crisis and AI – come hurtling together in the explosion of datacentres across Australia and around the world.

You can hardly avoid hearing about them these days, either with awed reverence of the promised benefits to humankind or with fear and anger given the implications for the climate, inflation, jobs and even housing affordability.

Привет, Хабр! На связи Максим Кацал, руководитель направления автоматизированного тестирования в РТЛабс.

Мы с командой на Госуслугах тестируем огромное количество услуг. В каждой из них — тысячи, миллионы сценариев. Писать автотесты руками — безумие, а поддерживать их очень больно.

В статье расскажу, как мы научились генерировать тесты прямо из JSON-схемы услуги. JUnit 5 + @TestFactory + рекурсивный обход графа маршрутов. Фреймворк, который сам прокладывает путь пользователя по приложению-конструктору, а потом проигрывает его в браузере.

Ниже раскрою архитектуру, код, подводные камни, опишу плюсы и минусы такого подхода.

Интерфейс можно описывать не только через доступные действия, но и через продолжения, которые он делает более лёгкими. В статье предлагается рамка “архитектуры продолжений”: как после действия один следующий ход становится естественным, а другие остаются возможными, но требуют отдельного усилия.

Одно время я достаточно плотно занялся таким вопросом, как отслеживание упоминаний бренда или околобрендовых запросов, так как работал на позиции, подразумевающей подобную деятельность. 

Проблема правда заключалась в том, что сама позиция подразумевала такое отслеживание, а собственник бизнеса не подразумевал этого. Он считал, что лишние действия вредят бюджету компании, а так как он в одном лице был и собственником и менеджером и выгодоприобретателем, то и его личному бюджету такие действия вредили в первую очередь. Деньги, которые могли быть потрачены на новый Iphone не должны уходить в карман владельцам других площадок. Они же уже заработаны, значит они его. 

John Edwards resigned in June after independent investigation following claims of sexual harassment and bullying

The UK information commissioner who resigned over sexual harassment and bullying claims is understood to be taking legal action against a woman who flagged his conduct.

The science and technology secretary, Liz Kendall, said she was “appalled” by the fact that John Edwards was preparing to serve legal papers on one of the “incredibly brave” women at the ICO who had raised concerns about his behaviour. Edwards resigned from his post as the UK’s data regulator in June after an independent investigation.

• Two-time Ballon d’Or winner joins on a free transfer

• Mary Earps and Nicole Anyomi also new recruits

London City Lionesses have announced the signing of Alexia Putellas at an event in New York, confirming the arrival in the Women’s Super League of one of the women’s game’s all-time greats.

The two-time Ballon d’Or winner was available on a free transfer after leaving Barcelona at the end of the season, ending a 14-year stay during which she helped them to win four Champions League titles.