Officers found body of 34-year-old man in luxury rental home in Pattaya area, local media says
A 21-year-old British woman has been arrested in Thailand after allegedly fatally stabbing her boyfriend, according to local media reports.
The Bangkok Post reported that on Thursday morning local time, officers found the body of a 34-year-old man, who operated a cannabis farm, in a luxury rental home in the Pattaya area, a beachside region two hours from Bangkok known for its large expat population and nightlife.
Palantir выложил в X пост, который журналисты быстро стали называть «манифестом». Формально это «The Technological Republic, in brief» — промо-выжимка из книги Алекса Карпа и Николаса Замиски The Technological Republic. Если перевести с языка подрядчика для армии, разведки и крупного бизнеса на обычный русский: не отдавайте свои данные поставщикам больших языковых моделей, не считайте внедрение ИИ по расходу токенов, держите у себя модели, следы работы системы и результаты дообучения.
Но важно, кто именно это говорит. Palantir вырос не из кружка любителей открытого ПО - компания продаёт софт для соединения данных, прав доступа, предметных моделей и действий оператора; сама она описывает свой рынок как решения «from the factory floors to the front lines». По годовому отчёту за 2025 год, 54% выручки Palantir пришло от государственных заказчиков, 46% — от коммерческих. Это не декоративный раздел "прочие красивые кейсы", а почти половина бизнеса.
Поэтому, когда такая компания заводит речь про «экономию на токенах», речь не о бережливости. Речь о новом слое контроля: где живут данные, кто управляет моделью, кто видит запросы, кто получает следы работы системы и кто потом становится обязательной частью всей этой конструкции.
Officers found body of 34-year-old man in luxury rental home in Pattaya area, local media says
A 21-year-old British woman has been arrested in Thailand after allegedly fatally stabbing her boyfriend, according to local media reports.
The Bangkok Post reported that on Thursday morning local time, officers found the body of a 34-year-old man, who operated a cannabis farm, in a luxury rental home in the Pattaya area, a beachside region two hours from Bangkok known for its large expat population and nightlife.
В пятницу в Тегеране начались траурные мероприятия в память о погибшем верховном лидере Ирана аятолле Али Хаменеи, спустя более четырех месяцев после его убийства в результате удара Израиля и США. Иранские официальные лица называют это «похоронами века».
Украинские беспилотники в ночь на 4 июля атаковали Санкт-Петербург и Ленинградскую область. Утром стало известно, что горит Петербургский нефтяной терминал — один из крупнейших в регионе.
Prime minister holds no ‘personal animosity’ toward likely successor and stresses he has a platform to build on
Keir Starmer has said Labour “should go on to win the next election” under his likely successor, Andy Burnham, based on what the prime minister had already achieved.
In his first interview since he announced he would stand down, Starmer also said he held no “personal animosity” toward Burnham, who is expected to succeed him.
As workers around the world worry about being replaced by artificial intelligence, two recent studies have shown how humanity's competition and collaboration with bots in the office are evolving.
Savings plans for children born between January 2025 and December 2028 launched as president seeks electoral boost
Trump accounts, a savings vehicle named after the US president and authorized by congressional Republicans, are set to go live on Saturday, offering American parents a new way to save money for their children by investing in funds managed by major Wall Street firms.
All accounts established for children born between January 2025 through December 2028 – nearly the entirety of Donald Trump’s second term – will receive $1,000 from the government. Parents, friends and employers will be able to deposit as much as $5,000 a year into the accounts.
Exclusive: Anger at union’s decision to put 200 of its 600 staff in England at risk of redundancy
The British Medical Association is threatening to axe up to a third of its entire workforce to help it tackle a significant cash crisis.
The doctors’ union has placed 200 of its 600 staff in England at risk of redundancy. That has triggered anxiety and fury among staff, who have accused the BMA of appalling behaviour and “hypocrisy”.
Prime minister holds no ‘personal animosity’ toward likely successor and stresses he has a platform to build on
Keir Starmer has said Labour “should go on to win the next election” under his likely successor, Andy Burnham, based on what the prime minister had already achieved.
In his first interview since he announced he would stand down, Starmer also said he held no “personal animosity” toward Burnham, who is expected to succeed him.
Как сделать Shorts или сгенерировать видео Reels без долгих часов съемок и монтажа? Разбираем топовые ИИ для создания коротких видео из фото и текста с музыкой, выбираем нейросеть для генерации на русском языке. Актуальные лимиты, фишки и гайд на 2026 год.
Americans celebrated 250 years of independence this Fourth of July, although severe weather put a damper on the proceedings in several parts of the country.
В конце 90-х французская Alcatel выпустила One Touch Pocket — компактный телефон, рассчитанный на деловых пользователей. Помимо звонков, аппарат позволял работать с контактами, органайзером и модемом — в эпоху зарождавшегося мобильного интернета это выглядело современно.
Сегодня One Touch Pocket уже воспринимается как любопытный артефакт своего времени. Тем интереснее заглянуть внутрь и посмотреть, какие инженерные решения использовали разработчики почти тридцать лет назад и чем этот телефон выделялся на фоне современников.
The Indian photographer dunked his iPhone underwater to get this shot of his pet
Rashid Sheriff’s fascination with photography and drawing originated in his school days, though “due to various limitations and circumstances, I couldn’t pursue those interests”, he says.
For the past 18 years, Sheriff, who is from Kerala, in south-west India, has been working in Qatar as an auto electrician. Smartphones, however, have allowed him to return to his passions once again.
Scholars will someday wonder how the richest country in history chose to throw it all away. But the crisis has been there since the beginning
The 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence has arrived at a moment of some embarrassment for the Republic. The United States of America, established to overthrow a mad king, has elected, 250 years later, a mad king of its very own. America is setting itself on fire at its birthday party. It always had a dramatic streak.
In 30 or 40 years, scholars of history, if they exist, will want to know how the richest country in history, with the world’s most powerful alliance network, and a scientific and research capacity fuelled by the talent of the world, chose to throw it all away.
Washington Crossing the Delaware (by Emanuel Leutze, American, 1816 - 1868), 1851. The painting documents Washington's crossing of the Delaware River on the night of December 25-26, 1776, as part of a sneak attack at the Battle of Trenton during the American Revolutionary War. From the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Oil on canvas. (Photo by GraphicaArtis/Getty Images) | Getty Images
America’s 250th birthday celebration feels like a child’s birthday party ruined by fighting between two soon-to-be-divorced parents. What should be a benign celebration of shared, if slightly boring, values has become a fully partisan affair.
In part, this is due to the president’s determination to make it all about himself. But the agita surrounding America 250 is not just about President Donald Trump’s garish White House UFC fight or poorly attended “Great American State Fair.” It is a reflection of a deeper division: a sense that Democratic and Republican partisans seem to have two wholly different visions of what the country is and should be. With partisan division enabling a president who aspires to kingly power, attempting to celebrate the republic’s extraordinary past can feel like willfully ignoring its parlous future.
Key takeaways
Historian Gordon Wood, who died in June, was one of the greatest historians of the American Revolution. His famous book, The Radicalism of the American Revolution, argued that the Revolution transformed America into a new kind of democratic society — outstripping even what the Founders themselves intended.
Near the end of his life, Wood wielded his view of the Revolution — as not just an event, but a set of ideas that defined a nation — against ascendant views on the radical left and right that described America as either a fundamentally racist project or a blood-and-soil ethnostate.
Wood’s vision is, polling data suggests, vastly more popular among Americans. Indeed, his death brought out tributes from figures on both the left and the right — suggesting that something like Wood’s patriotic vision can serve as a building block in reconstructing America after the current era of extreme polarization.
Yet amid this gloom, I found hope for the country in an unlikely source: a death. Or, more precisely, the reaction to it.
Gordon Wood was, for most of the year, the greatest living historian of the American Revolution — remaining remarkably sharp at age 92, over a decade after his retirement from Brown University. After Wood was fatally struck by a car on June 7, his death prompted an extraordinary wave of encomia from prominent figures across the political spectrum. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis mourned him, as did Wood’s former student Rep. Seth Magaziner (D-RI). The Federalist Society, The Atlantic, and the New Republic all published tributes. Libertarian magazine Reason sung his praises, as did the World Socialist Web Site.
How could a single historian, writing a topic as familiar (and ideologically contested) as the American revolution, have such wide appeal? After reading Wood’s 1991 masterwork The Radicalism of the American Revolution, I can confidently say the book is brilliant: meticulously researched and compellingly argued. It also performs a fascinating bit of ideological work: a prescient pre-bunking of recently fashionable ideas, on both the radical left and right, that paint America as an ethno-nationalist project.
Wood’s America is a country defined not by blood, but by ideas: a revolutionary commitment to equality that began hypocritically but gave rise to the first truly democratic society in the world’s history.
That so many on both right and left still find something to admire in this vision suggests that Wood’s vision is not some kind of anachronism of the pre-Trump consensus, but a potential wellspring of unity in the 250 years to come. And it’s a reminder that the ideas of the Revolution — the ones Wood showed to be so powerfully influential — still define more of the country today than we often appreciate.
The Revolution, according to Gordon Wood
The Radicalism of the American Revolution is, at heart, an attempt to understand the revolution as a truly transformative event.
When Wood was writing, many historians argued that the Revolution — despite its name — wasn’t all that revolutionary. There was a short war; afterward, a similar set of men ran the same set of colonies, like a company after an employee buyout. No kings lost their heads; no “Year Zero” was declared. “We have,” Wood writes, “generally described the Revolution as an unusually conservative affair.”
Wood’s book is dedicated to proving this view wrong: to show that what was declared in 1776 was not conservative small-ball, but rather “one of the greatest revolutions the world has known, a momentous upheaval that not only fundamentally altered the character of American society but decisively affected the course of subsequent history.”
One might think such a book is hagiography for the founding generation. But unlike the dime-a-dozen pop history biographies of America’s early leaders, The Radicalism of the American Revolution is keenly interested in the gaps, weaknesses, and limits of the founders’ perspective. In fact, Wood argues that democracy as we know it was an unintended consequence of their revolutionary actions — almost a more polite and productive version of the French Revolution eating its own.
Prior to the Revolution, Wood argues, the social structure of the American colonies was in many ways a “brittle” facsimile of the British motherland’s. Political power was exercised primarily by an aristocratic class, a landed gentry who made their living by controlling land rather than actual labor. These “gentlemen” had distinctive manners, modes of dress, and activities; their social inferiors literally showed them deference, through the use of titles and respectful bows, in everyday interactions.
“We will never comprehend the distinctiveness of that premodern world until we appreciate the extent to which many ordinary people still accepted their own lowliness,” Wood writes.
Most of the leading American Revolutionaries — like Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and Franklin — were either gentlemen by birth or else managed the rare feat of ascending to that rank. But they were gentlemen of particular sorts: Enlightenment rationalists, who believed that society could be effectively remolded through the application of reason, and political republicans influenced heavily by their study of classical Greece and Rome.
Wood spends quite some time defining this republican ideology, treating it as the missing link between the aristocratic past and democratic present.
Republicanism, in his telling, rejected the essential monarchical principle that power should follow blood. It was instead a philosophy of virtue, perhaps even meritocracy: the belief that society should be organized to allow its best educated, most selfless and disinterested members to rule for the benefit of the whole. No (white male) person was intrinsically better in moral terms, but some people were better suited for political power by dint of character and training.
This is how the American Revolution’s elite could at once reject the basic monarchical principles of social hierarchy — to pen the radical words of the Declaration of Independence — while simultaneously restricting the franchise in early America to white men with substantial property holdings. Only such men, in the republican imagination, were capable of making the kinds of disinterested and virtuous choices necessary for a free society to be properly governed.
Yet this “aristocracy of virtue and talent,” as Jefferson called it, would swiftly prove unstable. Early America, marked by massive immigration and westward migration, became too large to be controlled by a small group of widely trusted elites. Economic affairs became dominated not by a handful of landowners trained to be virtuous republicans, but the growing ranks of merchants, bankers, and other such early-stage capitalists. Individual Americans, taking the idea of government by the people seriously, demanded a real role in determining their leaders.
Within 50 years of the Declaration, the republican dreams of the revolutionaries had been shattered.
Politics was not the province of an enlightened elite attempting to govern based on an ethos of disinterested neutrality, but rather a mass pastime in which different parties and factions competed to advance their own interests. The ideal of the landowning gentleman was now seen as archaic, an embarrassment in a country where working with one’s hands and building one’s own fortune were seen as the true marks of virtue. Traditional Christianity, viewed by many Founders as a form of passe superstition, was experiencing another Great Awakening. Even women and slaves had begun demanding equality. (Wood believes that it was not an accident that the first American abolitionist society was founded in 1775, on the Revolution’s eve.)
In effect, America had become something recognizably (if not fully) democratic: a society which abolished traditional aristocratic ideals of rank, and replaced them with the notion of equal citizens who rule themselves. This idea of America, that “all men are created equal,” was so powerful that even its creators could not contain it.
Indeed, Wood shows that many leading founders had, by the end of their lives, become downright pessimistic about the country they created.
“This American world was not meant for me,” Alexander Hamilton wrote his fellow founder Gouverneur Morris in 1802.
The bipartisanship of Wood’s America
The Radicalism of the American Revolution turned Wood into a superstar — one whose influence was felt in politics and popular culture.
In 1995, Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich handed out copies to his Republican colleagues. In 1997, the title character in Good Will Hunting uses his knowledge of Wood’s oeuvre to mock an obnoxious Harvard graduate student. In 2011, President Barack Obama awarded Wood the National Humanities Medal for “scholarship that provides insight into the founding of the nation.”
It’s easy to see why Wood’s vision of the American founding had such mass appeal. It is an unusually persuasive vindication of America’s national mythology: treating the Revolution as not just a petty squabble between colonists and the crown, but the single most important event in creating democracy as we know it. The book’s narrative is patriotic and capitalist in ways that appealed to the Republican right; its vision of the founding containing the seeds of social liberation for oppressed groups appealed to a left that believed in MLK Jr.’s arc of history.
Nowadays, it may seem that ascendant radicals on both the right and left have moved past Wood.
On the right, there is a growing view that Wood’s “creedal” vision of American identity — the notion that American identity is about adherence to the country’s core ideas and values — is too weak, too permissive, too woke. This view treats Americanness as a kind of ethnicity: a status gained by the historical linkages between one’s family and the land. Vice President JD Vance is the most vigorous advocate for this blood-and-soil vision of American identity, which he sees as a decisive case for the administration’s attempts to lower migration numbers.
“America is not just an idea. We’re a particular place, with a particular people, and a particular set of beliefs and way of life,” Vance said in a 2025 speech at the far-right Claremont Institute. “You cannot swap 10 million people from anywhere else in the world and expect America to remain unchanged.”
On the left, there is an idea that the United States is an essentially reactionary nation — that its original sin of slavery gives the lie to the pretty words of the founders, and in fact speaks to the nation’s truest essence. Commonly (though largely unfairly) associated with the New York Times’ 1619 Project, this view is most typically found among radical social justice activists, leftist professors, and Third Worldist socialists — people like soon-to-be Representative Darializa Avila Chevalier (D-NY), who bragged about wiping her hands on an American flag, and popular podcaster Hasan Piker.
These views are picking up on real things: the very long record of America betraying its egalitarian ideals, and the perennial discomfort many native-born Americans feel about cultural change inherent to a nation that has always been defined by immigration. Yet both depend on exaggerations and factual distortions to arrive at their dour vision of America — a point that Wood spent quite a bit of effort trying to prove in recent years.
“The United States isn’t a nation like other nations, and it never has been. There is no American ethnicity to back up the state, and there was no such distinctive ethnicity even in 1776,” Wood writes. “As Lincoln grasped better than anyone ever has, the Revolution and the Declaration offered us a set of beliefs that through the generations has supplied a bond that holds together the most diverse nation history has ever known.”
One might see Wood as a relic: a believer in an antiquated patriotic vision that millennials like Vance and Chevalier have moved beyond. Data, however, tells a different story: that the overwhelming majority of Americans see their country in Wood’s creedal terms.
A recent Pell Center survey asked Americans whether they believed their country was “built on the character of the Anglo-Saxon people” or “the idea that everyone is born with rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” The latter view prevailed by a massive 85–15 margin. (The ideological group most likely to pick Anglo-Saxon were, ironically enough, progressives.)
Another recent poll, from PRRI, asked respondents to rank which qualities were important to being an American. Creedal ideas, like tolerance of diversity and believing in individual freedom or the Constitution, were ranked as important by roughly 90 percent of respondents. By contrast, “being of Western Heritage” received the lowest levels of support of any listed quality (with the highest agreement this time around among Republicans).
I cannot stress enough how rare it is to get 90 percent of Americans to agree on anything political nowadays. For so many to agree on a concept that’s quite divisive among the political elite suggests that there’s something powerful about the American idea as Wood understood it— something that transcends even the bitter divisions of our moment, and speaks to the deepest essence of who most Americans believe themselves to be.
Ordinary Americans seem, in principle, committed to the core values of the founding documents: freedom, equality, and popular sovereignty. The trouble comes in how to apply them. Does freedom require a larger state or a smaller one? Does equality require race-consciousness or race-blindness? And who, exactly, is threatening democracy and how?
These are the sorts of disagreements that fuel increasingly bitter polarization. But any effort to reconstruct a sense of national purpose, of a polity engaged in a cooperative enterprise rather than partisan warfare, will require the creedal patriotism behind the disagreements as a building block. Gordon Wood helped reveal what those founding ideals really were and why they mattered; it is up to the generations following him to make them agents of American unity once again.
Yes, they got married. Yes, they held a huge event inside Madison Square Garden. No, the guests did not post much about it. (At least they haven’t yet.)
In his second term, the president has increasingly mused about his predecessors, comparing himself with some and distancing from the failures of others.
Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei’s absence has raised questions inside Iranian political circles about who is really running the country and allowed open divisions to fester.
Away from the turmoil in Washington, Americans will mark July 4 in their own patriotic ways. Expect rodeos, line dancing, Tejano music and Led Zeppelin.
Dramatic images show a skydiver crashing into a crowd during opening night at a rodeo. The American flag he was flying with appears to get caught in a tree, sending him onto a tent.
Up to 30 million people expected to attend delayed events for Ali Khamenei, killed at start of war with US and Israel
Huge crowds have gathered at the funeral of the former Iranian supreme leader after the gates of the sprawling Grand Mosalla mosque in central Tehran let in thousands of mourners who had been waiting through the night to enter the grounds.
Iran is staging mass funeral processions for Ali Khamenei – whose 37-year reign was brought to an end in February by the first airstrike of the war launched by the US and Israel. By 5.30am, the Tehran streets surrounding the mosque were already filling up as Iranians, some travelling for hours and many carrying flags or posters of Khamenei, made their way to an event designed to emphasise the country’s sense of loss at the killing of the supreme leader and desire for revenge. Emotions filled the air as the crowds chanted Death to America and Israel.
Up to 30 million people expected to attend delayed events for Ali Khamenei, killed at start of war with US and Israel
Huge crowds have gathered at the funeral of the former Iranian supreme leader after the gates of the sprawling Grand Mosalla mosque in central Tehran let in thousands of mourners who had been waiting through the night to enter the grounds.
Iran is staging mass funeral processions for Ali Khamenei – whose 37-year reign was brought to an end in February by the first airstrike of the war launched by the US and Israel. By 5.30am, the Tehran streets surrounding the mosque were already filling up as Iranians, some travelling for hours and many carrying flags or posters of Khamenei, made their way to an event designed to emphasise the country’s sense of loss at the killing of the supreme leader and desire for revenge. Emotions filled the air as the crowds chanted Death to America and Israel.
Roman Safiullin ousts Brazilian but fails to dampen the relentless noise that follows the 19-year-old
The first chants of “FON! SE! CA!” started up shortly before noon, and it’s fair to say João Fonseca was in need of all the encouragement he could get. For half an hour the Brazilian No 24 seed had been slapped around to the point of mockery. The world No 132 Roman Safiullin of Russia, a quarter-finalist here in 2023, was standing daringly close to the baseline, taking the ball early, teasing him with immaculate drop shots. Now he was 5-3 up and serving for the first set, but three set points had come and gone. Right on cue, with the match at its first moment of crisis, the aural cavalry made its move.
And whenever Fonseca plays, wherever he happens to be, noise tends to follow. Ever since early 2024, when the Rio de Janeiro native reached the quarter-finals of his home tournament at the age of just 17, a kind of madness has built around him: a travelling army of Brazilians and Brazilian expats filling the world’s tennis arenas with the fervour of the football terraces. They call it fonsequismo, and from Melbourne to Miami, no court in the world is immune.
There are plenty of reasons for Americans to feel discomfort about the behavior of their country. But sports have a way of bringing joy and unity
The US men’s national team are on the verge of history. One win away from matching their best-ever run in the World Cup’s modern era, they are playing with more verve and quality than they ever have before at this stage. Wednesday’s win over Bosnia and Herzegovina has begotten a rarity: American soccer, in the spotlight, in America.
To longtime US soccer fans, the question of whether to support this particular team at this particular time is barely a question. Or if it is one, it’s vaguely along the lines of “should I breathe?”
We assess the standing of the nations who played in the tournament’s last 32 before the next round of games begins
Les Bleus look unstoppable – all six of our judges ranked them No 1. Sweden did their best to cope with the French front four but were blown away by the slickest operation in town. Even when an opponent is feeling comfortable, Michael Olise or Kylian Mbappé can produce genius without notice, ripping apart the best-organised defences. “I did say that I wanted to enjoy this World Cup to the fullest,” Mbappé told reporters after the Sweden game. It is hard to imagine the fun stopping any time soon.
На code review я регулярно встречаю один и тот же вопрос, только записанный разным кодом: «Как правильно синхронизировать эти значения через useEffect?»
Со временем я понял, что чаще полезнее спросить иначе: а эффект здесь вообще нужен?
В статье разбираю 12 типичных сценариев из React-код-ревью: производное состояние, события, цепочки эффектов, внешний store, useEffectEvent, загрузку данных и современные подходы React 19.2. Для каждого случая — пример «плохо → хорошо» и практический фильтр, который помогает выбрать между рендером, обработчиком события, Action, useEffect или query-библиотекой.
Group, whose constituencies have derelict or at-risk pools, are campaigning to make outdoor swimming available for all
Cooling, blue expanses of water have been a lifesaver for many lucky enough to live near a lido during the recent UK heatwave.
Now, a group of 20 MPs, along with the Fabian Society, are calling for this relief to be made accessible for all by getting water companies to fund the reopening of the country’s lost lidos.
