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Переводя сервис прогнозов на общий Redis, я увидел в чужой базе ключ current_occupancy_cache и обнаружил, что ровно такой же пишет мой сервис. Развёл по разным номерам баз. Сегодня полез проверять эту историю и выяснил две вещи. Во-первых, коллизия стала невозможна через два дня сама по себе: мультигородность добавила ключу суффикс :city, и ни в одном коммите той фичи сервис прогнозов не упоминается. Во-вторых, и это интереснее, на тот день обе записи были одинаковыми поле в поле. То есть затирание прошло бы совершенно корректно, без ошибки и без строчки в логе. Опасным оно стало бы четырьмя днями позже, когда в одну из записей добавили has_live_data, а на фронте стоит ?? true. Про то, почему совпадение данных это не свойство системы, а след копипасты, и почему разводить общие пространства имён надо до того, как данные разъехались.

The harrowing allegations of rape at a Cornell University fraternity have been rippling out in both New York state and national politics.

Democrats have tended to voice sympathy with the accuser, saying that they stand with her and other victims. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) said there was “a culture of rape, sexual assault, and pedophilia” in elite institutions across the country. Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed said Cornell “protected her abusers, letting them off with a slap on the wrist.” 

New York Gov. Kathy Hochul said the accuser was “failed” by local police and county prosecutors who did not bring charges, so Hochul appointed state Attorney General Letitia James to take over the investigation. Days before that appointment, James posted on social media that “what this young woman has been forced to endure is horrific and unacceptable,” adding: “To her, and to all survivors: you’re not alone. We stand with you.” 

Some Republicans, meanwhile, are accusing Democrats of rushing to judgment. Saritha Komatireddy, who is running for attorney general of New York against James, said in a debate that James had “screwed this one up by prejudging it.” The investigation, Komatireddy said, “requires someone who approaches the case with fairness, impartiality and integrity.” And right-wing commentators like Megyn Kelly and Ben Shapiro have questioned the accuser’s story.

But beyond the procedural fight over this particular investigation, many Democrats have also called for changing the law to make cases like it that involve drugs or alcohol easier to prosecute in general. 

This might seem like a clean issue for the party, in line with prior progressive efforts to crack down on sexual assault via Title IX and expanding statute of limitations laws. 

However, it’s not so simple: According to my conversations with experts and advocates involved in these reform conversations, this is where the Democratic unity begins to fray, because of a divide between two key parts of the progressive coalition. 

The impulse to create stronger protections for victims has crashed into the left’s longstanding suspicion of the criminal justice system. And as a result, a coherent policy response has been hard to craft — and may end up being impossible to get agreement on.

On one side are advocacy groups for women and for victims of rape or sexual assault. They argue that current law — in New York and other states — makes it far too difficult to successfully prosecute perpetrators, and that it should be changed. They’ve advocated for closing what they call the “voluntary intoxication loophole,” which they say makes it harder to prosecute abusers of victims who have willingly consumed drugs or alcohol.

On the other side are various progressive or left constituencies that are deeply skeptical of the criminal justice system. These constituencies — which include key figures in New York’s Black political establishment, public defenders, supporters of criminal justice reform, and members of the Democratic Socialists of America — are united by a shared antipathy to mass incarceration and what they see as disproportionate police targeting of minority communities. 

The former camp argues that false rape and sexual assault allegations are vanishingly rare, that these crimes are hugely underpunished, and that the law needs to be updated to make these prosecutions easier. But the latter camp argues that Black and other nonwhite men are often falsely accused, and that it would be unwise to hand prosecutors another tool they could use to put men in jail in cases where ascertaining consent is more difficult.

It’s a fraught debate. Modern-day progressives have strongly backed the Me Too movement as well as campaigns for racial justice and criminal justice reform. Progressives want to be on the side of victims against the privileged and powerful — but sometimes, they have different ideas about who falls into which category.

The legal issues around “voluntary intoxication” and rape charges, explained

The current controversy in New York focuses on efforts to close what advocates call the “voluntary intoxication loophole” in rape and sexual assault law.

Every state says rape is a crime. Every state says it’s a crime to have sex with someone who is unconscious. And every state says it’s a crime to have sex with someone who is incapacitated due to unknowingly being dosed with drugs.

But what about someone who chooses to drink or take drugs, who remains conscious, and who doesn’t outright refuse consent? Should there be a standard by which the law deems that person incapable of meaningfully consenting, because they are too intoxicated? 

Many states have long had laws on the books saying yes — that someone who voluntarily drinks or does drugs can reach a state where they are too mentally impaired to consent to sex, even if they’re conscious and capable of communicating. But about half of states don’t have such a law, according to the Associated Press. And this hasn’t been an especially partisan issue to this point, with a mix of red and blue states adopting each standard.

The push to change the law in New York predates the Cornell case, and goes back to the late 2010s. At that time, the Me Too movement had put Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr. in the hot seat, with advocates criticizing him for not initially prosecuting Harvey Weinstein and arguing he was soft on rape and sex crimes generally. 

In the midst of pivoting on the issue (he had Weinstein indicted in 2018), Vance claimed that, in certain of these cases, his office was hamstrung by what he called a “loophole” in New York law involving intoxication. “Prosecutors cannot bring sex crime charges in cases where the victim became voluntarily intoxicated and was unable to consent,” he wrote in a letter. So really, Vance said, it was on the legislature to change the law.

Quickly, critics argued that Vance had misstated the law, saying it was not actually true that a loophole allowed people to rape voluntarily intoxicated New Yorkers with impunity. Vance’s office later acknowledged that his initial comments were “inartfully put.” 

The problematic cases, Vance’s team argued, were about victims who were “too intoxicated to consent” but who were also at least partially conscious and didn’t outright express their unwillingness — this, they said, was the “gap in the law.” “There’s a real problem that we have with people getting drunk and then being taken advantage of,” Vance said. 

So some Democrats and groups advocating for victims of sexual assault and rape kicked off an effort to change that law, in New York and elsewhere. Their favored bill says that lack of consent can be established if an alleged victim is “temporarily incapable of appraising or controlling their conduct” — and if the accused knew or reasonably should have known that.

Critics argue, though, that such bills go too far, and could make it easier to prosecute sexual encounters that, to the accused, seemed consensual. 

“The proposed legislation fails to provide any objective guidance about when a partner is too intoxicated to legally agree to engage in sexual conduct,” the New York State Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers said in an emailed statement.

Skeptics of the bill outlined several scenarios that concerned them, including scenarios where one person seems to consent but later decides that, in retrospect, they were too intoxicated for it to have truly been consensual. 

“You get all these scenarios where two people meet up at a bar and they both become voluntarily intoxicated,” said Yung-Mi Lee, a public defender and a former president of New York’s criminal defense lawyers association. “So then, if someone later says, ‘I was voluntarily incapable of appraising my conduct, I lost my inhibitions,’ they could say, ‘You committed a rape against me.’”

To advocates for victims’ rights, these concerns are overstated. “The burden that’s placed on a victim of sexual violence is such a large burden to bear in the first place that these changes to the law are really just slightly opening the door,” Rebecca Zipkin of the advocacy group World Without Exploitation told me.

“The current situation is not working to provide justice for survivors,” Stefan Turkheimer of RAINN, a network for rape and abuse survivors, told me. “The status quo is not okay.”

Why it hasn’t passed in New York

Versions of the voluntary intoxication bill have been signed into law in recent years in Minnesota, Michigan, and Texas. The bill has also repeatedly passed the New York state Senate by overwhelming margins. But it has never been brought to a vote in the lower chamber, the New York state Assembly.

That’s because, advocates for the bill told me, they’ve faced resistance from some influential parts of the Democratic Party and progressive coalition. 

Indeed, the skeptics are said to include two factions that are often at odds: New York’s Black political establishment and the Democratic Socialists of America. 

Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie controls which bills come to a vote in his chamber. He was an architect of the state’s sweeping bail reform law, a critic of what he called the existing “racist and classist system,” and has said he would be “a failure as a Black man” if he did not pass criminal justice reform. 

“It is generally known that Speaker Heastie does not believe in creating new crimes because he believes New York suffers from overincarceration,” Lizzie Asher, an advocate for changing the law and a co-founder of the Justice Without Exclusion Coalition, told me. (Heastie has said that he did not bring the bill to a vote because it lacked enough support among his chamber’s Democrats.)

Assembly member Latrice Walker is another champion of criminal justice reform; she even did a hunger strike in 2023 to protest rollbacks to the bail reform law. She spoke out about her concerns about the voluntary intoxication bill earlier this year, telling the New York Times that while she wanted survivors to get justice, she was “cautious about the creation of new laws and our duty to preserve due process protections.”

Zipkin and other advocates have also pointed to the six DSA-affiliated members of the assembly, who are associated with a general skepticism about the criminal justice system and incarceration, as a potential obstacle. None are currently listed as cosponsors of the bill. Back when Zohran Mamdani was in the assembly, he too declined to sign on, advocates noted. 

The DSA as an organization is very critical toward the police and prison system; many DSA members have called for defunding or abolishing the police in the past, and the DSA’s national platform still holds out “fully abolishing the police and prison system” as a long-term goal.

These objections may be harder to maintain amidst a wave of outrage around the Cornell case. Speaker Heastie announced he was creating a working group to reexamine the voluntary intoxication issue. The group includes Walker, whose office told Vox she would not comment on the law while “they undertake their important work.” Heastie told the group to give him recommendations by the end of the year, for consideration in New York’s 2027 legislative session. 

Is this a bigger divide among progressives?

The divide is coming into public view due to national attention on the Cornell case — but it’s long predated the current moment. 

Back in 2016, a California judge gave Brock Turner, a Stanford swimmer convicted of sexually assaulting an unconscious woman behind a dumpster, a six-month jail sentence. Advocates for victims’ rights were furious at what they deemed an inexcusably lenient punishment; nationwide outrage and an ultimately successful campaign to recall the judge ensued. 

But some progressive supporters of criminal justice reform felt queasy about the idea of punishing a judge for not locking up a defendant long enough. Skeptical of the criminal justice system and the value of incarceration, they worried this public fury would incentivize judges to be harsher across the board.

“What ultimately will happen is that the people that we represent — people of color, minorities, the disenfranchised, the poor in our communities that make up the people ensnared in our criminal justice system — they’re the ones that are going to bear the cost of this recall,” Sajid Khan, a public defender in Santa Clara County, California, said in 2018.

In practice, these two groups of advocates have generally managed to coexist in the progressive coalition. That’s in part because the Me Too cases that get the most attention have tended to be from white-collar work environments or college campuses, rather than in the dispossessed or marginalized populations that criminal justice reformers are more typically focused on.

But some argue that there’s a more fundamental tension here. Aya Gruber, a professor at the USC Gould School of Law, has written a book arguing that feminists’ efforts to ensure rape and domestic violence are punished more severely have, in practice, ended up contributing to racist mass incarceration. 

“I just think it is a really dangerous thing to start expanding the criminal law in ways that grant all this power to prosecutors,” Gruber told me. “This idea that somehow all this cultural power is going to be used against already privileged people and thus have some sort of egalitarian aspect to it makes it very tempting. But we can identify populations that are more heavily policed, and they are generally not privileged populations.”

На просторах «Али» мне встретилась очень интересная плата. Тут распаян Xeon аж на 16 ядер с поддержкой бюджетной DDR3L памяти, при этом с достаточно низким потреблением и очень богатым I/O. С такими вводными это просто идеальный кандидат для NAS и CORE сервера домашней лабы! Что пришло, с какими проблемами я столкнулся, и что там в тестах — далее в статье.

Florida-born singer-songwriter had major hits with Swingin’, Seminole Wind and Straight Tequila Night

John Anderson, the traditionalist US country singer whose extensive body of work included five No 1 hits on the country charts, has died aged 71.

The news was announced on social media by his family, who said: “To the world, he was a gifted country music singer whose voice and songs touched countless lives. To us, he was so much more. He was the heart of our family, the one who made us laugh, loved us fiercely and made every ordinary moment feel special.”

Florida-born singer-songwriter had major hits with Swingin’, Seminole Wind and Straight Tequila Night

John Anderson, the traditionalist US country singer whose extensive body of work included five No 1 hits on the country charts, has died aged 71.

The news was announced on social media by his family, who said: “To the world, he was a gifted country music singer whose voice and songs touched countless lives. To us, he was so much more. He was the heart of our family, the one who made us laugh, loved us fiercely and made every ordinary moment feel special.”

ИИ-агенты становятся заметным трендом в маркетинге: им передают отдельные задачи — от анализа данных и поиска идей до подготовки рекламных материалов. В click.ru этому направлению посвящен отдельный раздел — ИИ-хаб. В нем собраны инструменты для работы с ИИ-агентами. Внутри есть набор скиллов под отдельные задачи: разработку стратегии, настройку кампаний для Яндекс Директа и VK Рекламы.

В статье разберем:

Собрал 10 API-роутеров с бесплатными моделями, квотами и стартовыми бонусами. Внутри — результаты проверки API, расходы на короткие запросы, ограничения, поддержка русского языка и оплаты в рублях. Обновил порядок платформ, информацию о VPN и статус VseGPT и FreeRouter.

В первой части мы разобрали, как устроен Uncloud и из каких компонентов складывается его кластерная модель. А теперь возьмем эту архитектуру и посмотрим, как она ведёт себя в реальной эксплуатации. 

Мы уже умеем объединять несколько Docker-хостов, запускать на них сервисы, связывать контейнеры через общую сеть, находить их по именам и публиковать приложение, насколько этого достаточно для работы в продуктиве.

В этом материале рассмотрим, как Uncloud обновляет сервисы и проверяет новые контейнеры, доставляет Docker-образы, управляет размещением workload, что происходит со stateful-приложениями, как передаются чувствительные данные и как мы можем отслеживать состояние кластера. Также разберём ограничения этой модели —  в большей степени они определяют, для каких задач Uncloud действительно подходит, а где уже стоит смотреть в сторону иных решений.

Вырез вверху экрана MacBook занимает место и ничего не делает. На iPhone такая же чёлка, точнее островок давно стал Dynamic Island, а на Mac так и осталась чёрным прямоугольником. Я решила это исправить и вместе с Claude Code сделала Brow. Наводишь курсор на вырез, и из него плавно выезжает панель, тут история буфера обмена, последние скриншоты, полка для файлов, музыка и быстрая заметка. Уводишь курсор, и она прячется обратно.

Буквально летом прошлого года я писал статью про первые шаги в разработке игры на Unity, и в этой статье, в том числе, я описывал свое мнение на тему того, что вайбкодинг - по сути зло, потому что типа ты сейчас создашь кучу кода, не разберешься как она работает, и потом не сможешь ее отладить.
Так вот, спустя год я описываю подход в котором.....ну вы поняли, да?))) Используется чисто вайбкодинг. Есть конечно сложности (одну из них вы можете видеть на обложке этой статьи)

В статье расскажу про пайплайны, которые мне прямо сейчас помогают в типовых рутинных операциях в ходе работы над проектом.

Если у вас Mac и электронная подпись на Рутокене, вы наверняка знаете ритуал: чтобы войти на Госуслуги по ЭЦП, отчитаться в личном кабинете ФНС или подписать документ в Диадоке, нужно открыть Chrome. Госплагин, Контур.Плагин и КриптоПро ЭЦП Browser plug‑in официально работают только в Chromium‑браузерах и Firefox. У КриптоПро есть старое Safari App Extension, но в актуальных версиях Safari оно даже не появляется в настройках.

Я захотел, чтобы всё это работало в Safari, и в итоге получилось три небольших приложения для macOS с открытым кодом: Gosplugin Safari (Госуслуги/ЕСИА), Kontur Safari (Диадок и сервисы Контура) и CryptoPro Safari (nalog.ru, торговые площадки и всё, что работает через cadesplugin). Ниже — как это устроено и на какие грабли Safari я наступил по дороге.

Если в команде 1С больше трёх разработчиков, хранилище конфигурации рано или поздно становится узким местом. Общий модуль захвачен коллегой, непроверенную задачу уже не вынуть из релиза, а сам релиз собирается вечером пятницы вручную. Обычный ответ на это — «переходите на EDT и git». Ответ правильный, но дорогой: новая среда, тяжёлые машины, переобучение всей команды и несколько месяцев, пока процесс снова заработает.

Я пошёл третьим путём: разработчики остаются в обычном конфигураторе, а git становится транспортом между их базами. Получилось Windows-приложение Konflow: ветки, коммиты и слияния спрятаны в нём за кнопками «Новая задача», «Сохранить», «Переключиться», «Завершить», «Собрать тест» и «Релиз». Выгружать и загружать конфигурацию приложение тоже берёт на себя.

В статье — как это устроено внутри: модель веток, синхронизация базы с рабочей копией, инкрементальная загрузка, работа с серверными базами через RAS и грабли платформы, на которые я наступил по пути.

Три вопроса, с которых начинается почти любая интеграция Kaspi в Казахстане: как выставить покупателю QR на сумму заказа, как отправить счёт прямо в его приложение Kaspi по номеру телефона и как сделать постоянную ссылку «Оплатить», которую не нужно перевыпускать каждые пять минут. Ниже — все три сценария с запросами на curl, Python и Node.js, обработка ошибок, несколько касс и настройка ключей перед продакшеном.

В прошлой статье (https://habr.com/ru/articles/1094210/) мы собирали Telegram-бота и разбирали вебхуки. Здесь фокус шире — сам API, без привязки к боту.

Концепция «Матрëшка» предлагает примирить физиков, претендующих на звание автора «Теории всего» и найти решение кризиса ландшафта теории струн через баг компиляции: взгляд системного архитектора на Вселенную. Представьте, что вы пришли на проект, который разрабатывается уже 13,8 миллиардов лет. Документации нет, а команда разработки состоит из гениальных, но абсолютно недоговороспособных лидов. Струнщики переписывают бэкенд, петлевщики пытаются переделать матрицу монитора, Стивен Вольфрам в углу собирает всё на клеточных автомаперегретьлий Ванчурин уверяет, что весь проект — это одна большая самообучающаяся нейросеть. Физика фундаментальных взаимодействий сегодня находится в глубоком концептуальном тупике интерпретаций именно потому, что каждый отдел считает свой стек единственно верным. Взаимодействие — фундамент нашего бытия. Я предлагаю прекратить эту войну и посмотреть на ТЗ нашей Вселенной трезво и, самое главное, целостно. Представьте картину‑пазл, она лежит у вас перед глазами на столе, в виде собранных кусочков. Вроде пазлы все собраны, но картина все равно не совсем картина, не хватает совершить ключевое действие: собрать все эти кусочки воедино. Концепция «Матрëшка» для этого и была создана. Перед нами не хаос противоречащих друг другу законов, а идеально спроектированная, фрактальная многоуровневая вычислительная система — «Матрёшка». Все известные нам «теории всего» — это не конкурирующие модели, а строго разграниченные уровни абстракции одного и того же квантового суперкомпьютера, где наш мир запущен внутри черной дыры высшего порядка, а черные дыры нашего уровня служат процессорами для суб‑вселенных.

В этой статье я буквально по полочкам постараюсь разобрать полный техстек Вселенной. А также совершу попытку наконец‑то решить знаменитую «проблему ландшафта» теории струн с её 10 в 500 степени вариантами миров. Дабы тебя немного заинтриговать, мой дорогой читатель, позволю себе небольшой спойлер: физики не могут вычислить константы нашей Вселенной через струнный код по самой банальной причине: из‑за архитектурного барьера компиляции, запрещающего дочернему процессу вызывать read_meta_data родительской ОС.

SafeGrd is a new backup service for PostgreSQL 13 and later that restores every backup on a schedule and checks the row counts.

It takes a backup, restores it later into memory or a throwaway database, and counts what came back, so you find out a backup is broken before you need it.

Taking the backup

The safegrd daemon runs on a host next to your database and connects as a read-only role. On PostgreSQL 14 and later that role only needs pg_read_all_data. On 13 you grant each schema instead. The schema comes from pg_dump and the rows come over binary COPY, in one transaction. After the first run, each backup uploads only what changed.

The backup is encrypted with age on your host before it leaves, then written to an S3 bucket with Object Lock on. That can be your own bucket or SafeGrd-hosted storage. The backup data never goes through SafeGrd's servers.

You choose how the age key is managed. With a customer-managed key, only you can decrypt these backups. With a SafeGrd-managed key, SafeGrd keeps your key sealed and releases it only to your enrolled hosts, so you can restore even after losing a host.

Supabase, Neon and Amazon RDS work from a connection string. Supabase backups are restored on Supabase's own Postgres image, so the extensions in the dump load.

Testing the backup

We call the restore test a Fire Drill. It takes the newest backup, decrypts it and checks it in one of two ways:

• In memory. The dump is replayed without a running server, and the table, row and column counts and the extensions are compared with what the backup recorded.
• In a sandbox. The backup is restored into a throwaway PostgreSQL database and the counts are checked there. You can add your own SQL checks too, for example SELECT count(*) FROM users WHERE email IS NULL has to return 0.

Each drill writes a signed, dated record with the counts and the check results. Every record points at the one before it. The attestation verifier checks the whole chain against SafeGrd's published signing key in your browser, with nothing to install.

Trying it

curl -fsSL https://safegrd.dev/install.sh | sh
safegrd login
safegrd enroll

The CLI source is on GitHub under the Business Source License 1.1.

The free plan covers one database. It is backed up daily to SafeGrd-hosted storage, or hourly to your own bucket, and drilled in memory once a week. Paid plans start at $15 a month and add hourly backups, sandbox drills and more databases.

Docs: safegrd.dev/docs

pgrecon, an Apache-2.0 licensed Oracle to PostgreSQL migration assessment and schema conversion tool, is now public. The current release is 0.7.3.

pgrecon works entirely offline. A reviewable, read-only SQL*Plus script produces a dump, and the tool builds a local inventory from it; it never connects to either database. A deterministic rule engine runs 80 rules over the inventory, covering data types and length semantics, storage and partitioning, PL/SQL constructs (parsed with a full grammar, not pattern matching), supplied-package usage, schema objects, and performance posture, each with line-level evidence and remedy guidance. An effort estimator produces person-day ranges from named components with stated assumptions.

The converter emits plain PostgreSQL DDL for what it can prove: tables with native partition children, constraints, indexes, sequences, views (CONNECT BY hierarchies become WITH RECURSIVE), materialized views, comments, grants, simple DML triggers, and standalone routines, now including ROWNUM top-N bounds as LIMIT and MERGE statements. Everything it cannot carry faithfully is a named line in a residue report, never emitted DDL.

Verification: the full extraction path is verified nightly in CI against Oracle XE 11g, XE 21c, and Oracle Free 23ai; converted output is applied to PostgreSQL 16, 17, and 18 on every commit; a schema fuzzer generates adversarial Oracle estates nightly and checks that nothing crashes, nothing is lost silently, and the DDL applies; and the public benchmark row is measured by a workflow in the repository, which installs Oracle's HR, OE and CO samples plus utPLSQL, PLJSON, Logger and Alexandria into a live Oracle XE 21c, extracts, converts, and applies to PostgreSQL 16: 423 statements, zero rejected, at 0.7.3. Both extraction script tiers capture character versus byte length semantics, so VARCHAR2(30 CHAR) maps to varchar(30).

Oracle 9.2 through 23ai are supported through two extraction script tiers; Python 3.11 or newer on the analysis side.

Install: pip install pgrecon

• Project page: muzzammil242.github.io/pgrecon
• Source: github.com/Muzzammil242/pgrecon
• Release notes: pgrecon 0.7.3

• Bayern Munich and England striker is odds-on favourite

• ‘I try not to think about it. Obviously it is hard not to’

Harry Kane would love to know now whether he has won the Ballon d’Or because the uncertainty and constant questions are driving his family to distraction. But the Bayern Munich and England striker accepts the suspense before the big reveal at the London Palladium on Monday night is part of the show.

Kane is the odds-on favourite to win the prestigious individual honour after a prolific run of form. The 33-year-old scored 61 goals for Bayern last season and 12 for England. This time out, he has 10 for Bayern and six for England. He scored from the penalty spot in Wednesday night’s 2-2 Champions League draw against Arsenal at the Allianz Arena, although his stand-out moment was the inch-perfect through ball that set up Alphonso Davies to make it 1-1.

hh.индекс в IT вырос до 27,4: по шкале hh это “рынок работодателя”.

Но в индексе нет ни цены, ни квалификации, а в обзоре той же площадки 93% работодателей жалуются на нехватку компетенций у кандидатов.

Разбираю найм как систему: кто в ней отклоняет кандидатов, не умея оценить их квалификацию, почему такие отказы никто не видит и почему собственник в итоге платит и за дефекты системы найма, и за “рынок работодателя”.

Привет, Хабр! Это Кирилл Попов, руководитель команды проекта Tracer, и Маргарита Скокова, инженер мобильных приложений Android в Одноклассниках. Ещё год назад мы называли Tracer комплексной платформой для сбора и анализа ошибок мобильных и веб-приложений. О том, как всё начиналось и развивалось, можно прочитать в статьях 2023, 2024, 2025 годов и в январской новости. В 2026 году Tracer стал observability-платформой.

В этой статье мы расскажем, что нового в Tracer вы можете использовать для разбора проблем на релизе, сбоев у пользователей и упрощения рутины. Эти инструменты открываются по запросу — будем рады пригласить вас на ранний доступ, чтобы вы попробовали новые функции раньше официального релиза.

The Cali Fund, set up to raise $1bn a year for biodiversity from drug companies, remains near empty

Big pharmaceutical companies have been accused of “free-riding on nature”, after a landmark biodiversity fund that invites businesses to put some of their profits back into conservation was left virtually empty.

The Cali Fund set out to raise $1bn (£750m) annually, by asking companies that profit from nature’s genetics to contribute towards conservation in low-income countries. But more than 18 months after the fund was launched, it remains far below this target.

It’s the last day of the electoral campaign in Serbia today ahead of this Sunday’s closely contested parliamentary election

As we are waiting for Macron, first details of the planned police response to this weekend’s protests are emerging.

Junior interior minister, Jean-Didier Berger, said that the police presence will be “20% higher” than last weekend, with reinforcements from the army, elite police forces and gendarmerie.